ONCE CHINESE RULED MAJHA AREA

Sunday, 24 November 2013

ONCE CHINESE RULED MAJHA AREA
1400 years ago when Chinese travellor Heiun Tsang came he witnessed that Chinese were ruling over the present Majha area of Punjab. The capital city was called China-Patti. The present Chhina tribe of the Jatts are the original Chinese who were rehabilitated by Kanishak Kushan.
Read the story as it appears Punjabi daily Rozana Spokesman (dated 25-11-13) and Times of India (dated 24-11-13) and Jagbani (dated 19-11-13)

ਜਿਆਦਾ ਵਿਸਥਾਰ ਵਿਚ ਪੜ੍ਹਨ ਤੇ 25 ਫੋਟੋ ਤੇ ਵੀਡੀਓ ਦੇਖਣ ਖਾਤਰ ਹੇਠਲਾ ਲਿੰਕ ਕਲਿਕ ਕਰੋ ਜੀ। For more photos and video link see the following page also:-

http://www.punjabmonitor.com/2013/11/hieun-tsangs-china-patti-identified.html

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Sharif calls for visa-free travel between India and Pakistan

Sharif calls for visa-free travel between India and Pakistan

Kingshuk Nag,TNN | Nov 24, 2013, 05.25 PM IST

Times of India 

LAHORE: Increasingly under pressure in his country over the continuing drone attacks by US agencies in Pakistani areas, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif made a strong plea over the weekend for speedily resuming peace ties with India.

"We must aim to dismantle visa requirement between the two countries," Sharif said choosing the unusual venue of the opening of a literary and cultural conference to voice the demand. The reason: he was told that The Times of India's correspondent was present at the function. Directly addressing TOI's representative for a large part of his speech, Nawaz Sharif said: "You must go back and convince your government to sit with us and resolve issues."

He added: "I understand that your country is going to elections so the anti-Pakistani bogey is being raised. But let me tell you in the run up to the last election we never raised an anti-India bogey."

"India and Pakistan are mirror images of each other and therefore we must have good ties. This is a necessity," he stressed.

His plea to an Indian journalist surprised the audience - most of them writers and men of letters - and many wondered why he was doing so at a meeting to discuss the future of Urdu.

A drone attack on Hungoo, a big city in the border province of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa has stepped up pressure on Nawaz Sharif. This is not the first US drone attack but is the first such strike in a 'settled' area. The attacks - targeted at the Taliban - have, however, incensed the entire nation. Imran Khan's opposition Pakistan Tehreek-i- Insaaf party has been organising countrywide demonstrations and threatening to block NATO supply routes to Afganistan that pass through Pakistan. Other leaders have said that it is time the nation took a call whether they want dollars or have their sovereignty compromised.

Sharif said that Pakistan's priority under his regime would be to revive the economy and check terrorism. Not a day passes in Pakistan without terrorist attacks in some city or the other. "This is causing a lot of anxiety in the country and the US has replaced India as enemy number one. We now feel the need to build excellent relations with India," said a senior civil servant.

Analysts said that Sharif hailing from a business family is also looking for more exports to India and feels the need to normalise ties. But he has not been able to bite the bullet and grant MFN status to India.

Though Sharif wants visa requirements between two countries to be dismantled, presently the visa regime is very restrictive. Those over 65 are however allowed visa on arrival. This facility has recently been introduced but not much used.
ਵਾਹ ਜੀ ਵਾਹ!!! ਖੁਸ਼ਖਬਰੀ--- ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਉਹਦੀ  ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਹਿੰਦੋਸਤਾਨ ਤੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦਰਮਿਆਨ ਆਵਾਜਾਈ ਲਈ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀਜੇ ਆਦਿ ਦੀ ਜਰੂਰਤ ਨਾਂ ਰਹੇ। ਇਹ ਸਚ ਮੁੱਚ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਸਾਨ- ਭਾਰਤ ਦਰਮਿਆਨ ਖੜੀ 'ਬਰਲਿਨ ਵਾਲੀ ਦੀਵਾਰ' ਨੂੰ ਤਹਿਸ ਨਹਿਸ ਕਰਨ ਬਰਾਬਰ ਹੈ। ਨਵਾਜ਼ ਸ਼ਰੀਫ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਅਮਨ ਦੀ ਸ਼ੁਰੂਆਤ ਉਹ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੀਆਂ ਲੋਕ ਸਭਾ ਇਲੇਕਸ਼ਨਾਂ ਦੇ ਮਗਰੋ ਕਰੇਗਾ। ਯਾਦ ਰਹੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਚਿਰੋਕਣੀ ਇਹ ਮੰਗ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ ਕਿ ਵੀਜਾ ਨਿਜਾਮ ਹਟਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ। ਸਿੱਖ 1947 ਤੋਂ ਲਗਾਤਾਰ ਵਾਹਿਗੁਰੂ ਅੱਗੇ ਅਰਜੋਈਆਂ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਨੇ ਤੇ ਸੰਨ 2001 ਤੋਂ ਸ਼ਾਂਤਮਈ ਅੰਦੋਲਨ 'ਕਰਤਾਰਪੁਰ ਲਾਂਘਾ' ਵੀ ਚਲ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ। ਪਿਛੇ ਮੇਲੇ ਮੌਕੇ (1 ਮਾਰਚ ਤੋਂ 15 ਮਾਰਚ ਤਕ) ਤਕਰੀਬਨ 25 ਲੱਖਾਂ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਲਾਂਘੇ ਦੇ ਹੱਕ ਵਿਚ ਬਾਰਡਰ ਤਕ ਮਾਰਚ ਕਰਕੇ ਕਰਤਾਰਪੁਰ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਦੇ ਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਕੀਤੇ ਸਨ। ਯਾਦ ਰਹੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਨਾਨਕ ਦਾ ਨਾਮ ਇਸਲਾਮ ਤੇ ਹਿੰਦੂਧਰਮ ਵਿਚਲੀ ਤਲਖੀ ਖਤਮ ਕਰ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ। ਸਾਡਾ ਮੰਨਣਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਕਰਤਾਰਪੁਰ ਲਾਂਘਾ ਖੁੱਲਣ ਤੇ ਦੋਵਾਂ ਮੁਲਕਾਂ ਵਿਚ ਅਮਨ ਹੋ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ।

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FOOLS ARGUE, EAT MEAT OR NOT - GURU NANAK

Friday, 22 November 2013

EAT MEAT OR NOT,  FOOLS ARGUE- GURU NANAK

 I often come accros very hot discussions on the above topic. While this issue could be for any body but a Sikh is strictly prohibited on this. Guru Nanak has termed that only fools indulge into this kind of argument. Ignorant people don’t understand what is meat and what is vegetable, where is life and where it is not, whether the food grains have life in them or not? To eat meat or not is a personal issue. It depends upon ones profession. Though who are on the path to spiritualism they are advised to 'eat less, sleep less' because excessive foods brings complications and disease. One should treat food just like a fuel and nothing more exactly like a vehicle needs petrol or diesel. One should not eat for the sake of taste. There should not be aimless killing of animals and that one should be kind to animals. Since a many Sikhs are under the influence of the yogi deras who are strictly vegetarian and these Sikhs hate meat eaters. That is absolutely wrong and non-Sikh like. It is a sin to give comments on the food of others.

Note: Since Guru sahib said "Fools argue on whether eat meat or not" I will thus not like to be termed as a fool and will not participate in argument if any emanates from this post.

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RSS Reaction to 1984 Delhi Sikh Genocide

Wednesday, 20 November 2013

RSS Reaction to 1984 Delhi Sikh Genocide 

Shamsul Islam a prolific writer on Yahoogroups has translated from Hindi the RSS's reaction on Sikh Genocide of Nov. 1984. Nana Deshmukh who authored this document has squarely blamed Sikhs themselves for the genocide. He says no prominent Sikh has condemned killing of Indira Gandhi. That shows he didn't consider Congressite Sikhs as Sikhs. He says that it was unfortunate that at places the Sikhs defended themselves. He says they should have silently tolerated the attack. He believes the present form of Sikhs i.e turban, hair, kara, kirpan etc was given to them by the British and that it was no longer required. He is pained to know that the Sikhs compared Indira Gandhi with Ahmed Shah Abdali.

He eulogises Indira Gandhi as the leaders who had strength to intigrate India.

Genocide 1984: Long Search For Culprits; Tracing RSS link to the November 1984 – by Shamsul Islam

      

It is generally believed that the Congress cadres were behind this genocide. This is true but there were other forces too which actively participated in this massacre and whose role has never been investigated. Those who were witness to the genocide of 1984 were stunned by the swiftness and military precision of the killer marauding gangs (later on witnessed during the Babri mosque demolition, burning alive of Dr. Graham Steins with his two sons and recent pogrom of the Muslims in Gujarat) who went on a burning spree of the innocent Sikhs. This was beyond the capacity of the Congress thugs.

I have an important RSS document which may throw some light on the unhidden aspects of the genocide. It was authored and circulated by a veteran ideologue of the RSS, Nana Deshmukh on November 8, 1984. Interestingly, this document was published in the Hindi Weekly Pratipaksh edited by George Fernandes (Defence Minister of India 1999-2004, and presently a great pal of the RSS) in its edition of November 25, 1984 titled ‘Indira Congress-RSS collusion’ with the following editorial comment:

Genocide 1984, Long Search For Culprits. Tracing RSS link to the November 1984 – by Shamsul Islam


“The author of the following document is known as an ideologue and policy formulator of the RSS. After the killing of Prime Minister (Indira Gandhi) he distributed this document among prominent politicians. It has a historical significance that is why we have decided to publish it, violating policy of our Weekly. This document highlights the new affinities developing between the Indira Congress and the RSS. We produce here the Hindi translation of the document.”

Nana Deshmukh - 1916 to 2010

This document may help in unmasking the whole lot of criminals involved in the massacre of innocent Sikhs who had nothing to do with the killing of Indira Gandhi. This document may also throw light on where the cadres came from, who meticulously organized the killing of Sikhs. Nana Deshmukh in this document is seen outlining the justification of the massacre of the Sikh community in 1984. According to him the massacre of Sikhs was not the handiwork of any group or anti-social elements but the result of a genuine feeling of anger among Hindus of India.

This document also shows the true degenerated and fascist attitude of the RSS towards all the minorities of India. The RSS has been arguing that they are against Muslims and Christians because they are the followers of foreign religions. Here we find them justifying the butchering of Sikhs who according to their own categorization happened to be the followers of an indigenous religion.

The RSS often poses as a firm believer in Hindu-Sikh unity. But in this document we will hear from the horse’s mouth that the RSS like the then Congress leadership, believed that the massacre of the innocent Sikhs was justified. Nana Deshmukh in this document is seen outlining the justification of the massacre of the Sikh community in 1984. His defence of the carnage can be summed up as in the following.

1. The massacre of Sikhs was not the handiwork of any group or anti-social elements but the result of a genuine feeling of anger among Hindus of India.

2. Deshmukh did not distinguish the action of the two security personnel of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, who happened to be Sikhs, from that of the whole Sikh community. From his document it emerges that the killers of Indira Gandhi were working under some kind of mandate of their community. Hence attacks on Sikhs were justified.

3. Sikhs themselves invited these attacks, thus advancing the Congress theory of justifying the massacre of the Sikhs.

4. He glorified the ‘Operation Blue Star’ and described any opposition to it as anti-national. When Sikhs were being killed in thousands he was warning the country of Sikh extremism, thus offering ideological defense of those killings.

5. It was Sikh community as a whole which was responsible for violence in Punjab.

6. Sikhs should have done nothing in self-defence but showed patience and tolerance against the killer mobs.

7. These were Sikh intellectuals and not killer mobs which were responsible for the massacre. They had turned Sikhs into a militant community, cutting them off from their Hindu roots, thus inviting attacks from the nationalist Indians. Interestingly, Deshmukh would not mind having militant Hindus. Moreover, he treated all Sikhs as part of the same gang and defended attacks on them as a reaction of the nationalist Hindus.

8. He described Indira Gandhi as the only leader who could keep the country united and on the killing of such a great leader such killings could not be avoided.

9. Rajiv Gandhi who succeeded Mrs. Gandhi as the Prime Minister of India and justified the nation- wide killings of Sikhs by saying, “When a huge tree falls there are always tremors felt”, was lauded and blessed by Nana Deshmukh at the end of the document.

10. Shockingly, the massacre of Sikhs was being equated with the attacks on the RSS cadres after the killing of Gandhiji and we find Deshmukh advising Sikhs to suffer silently. Everybody knows that the killing of Gandhiji was inspired by the RSS and the Hindutva Ideology whereas the common innocent Sikhs had nothing to do with the murder of Mrs. Indira Gandhi.

11. There was not a single sentence in the Deshmukh document demanding, from the then Congress Government at the Centre, remedial measures for controlling the violence against the minority community. Mind this, that Deshmukh circulated this document on November 8, 1984, and from October 31 to this date Sikhs were left alone to face the killing gangs. In fact November 5-10 was the period when the maximum killings of Sikhs took place. Deshmukh was just not bothered about all this.

Deshmukh document did not happen in isolation. It represented the real RSS attitude towards Sikh genocide of 1984. The RSS is very fond of circulating publicity material, especially photographs of its khaki shorts- clad cadres doing social work. For the 1984 violence they have none. In fact, Deshmukh’s article also made no mention of the RSS cadres going to the rescue of Sikhs under siege. This shows up the real intentions of the RSS during the genocide.

There is not a single sentence in the Deshmukh document demanding, from the then Congress Government at the Centre, remedial measures for controlling the violence against the minority community. Importantly, Deshmukh circulated this document on November 8, 1984, and from October 31 to this date Sikhs were left alone to face the killing gangs. George Fernandes while making this document public in 1984 wrote that it showed ‘Indira Congress-RSS collusion’. Nanavati Commission must investigate whether this collusion was confined to political sphere or went beyond to killing fields.
The Deshmukh document is reproduced below. It is translated here from Hindi:

    MOMENTS OF SOUL SEARCHING

    Indira Gandhi ultimately did secure a permanent place at the doorstep of history as a great martyr. With her dynamism borne out of her fearlessness and dexterity, she was able to take the country forward like a colossus for over a decade and was able to build an opinion that she alone understood the realities of the country, that she alone had the ability to run the decadent political system of our corrupt and divided society, and probably that she alone could keep the country united. She was a great lady and her death as a brave leader had added to her greatness. She was killed by a person in whom she kept faith despite several complaints. Such an influential and busy personality was killed by a person who had the duty to protect her person. This act came as a blow not only to her admirers in the country and the world but also her critics. This cowardly and treacherous act of killing not only ended the life of a great leader but also killed, in the name of the Panth, the mutual faith of humanity. Explosion of sudden arson and violent hysteria throughout the country was probably a direction-less and improper expression of the hurt, anger and feeling of loss of her followers. Lakhs of her followers used to see her as the only defender, powerful protector, and a symbol of united India. It is a different matter whether this is right or wrong.

    For these innocent and uninformed followers, the treacherous murder of Indira Gandhi was the tragic culmination of the poisonous campaign of separatism, antagonism and violence conducted over the previous three years in which hundreds of innocents had to lose their invaluable lives and the sanctity of religious places was destroyed. This campaign assumed an ominous pace after the painful army action in June which, in the eyes of most of the people of the country, had become necessary to protect the sanctity of the religious places. Barring a few exceptions, the Sikh community observed silence for a long time on the barbaric massacres and heinous killings of innocent people, but they condemned the long-pending army action with anger and dangerous explosiveness. The country was stunned at their attitude. The army action was compared to the “gallu ghara” action of Ahmed Shah Abdali in 1762 to desecrate the Harmandir Sahib. Without going into the objectives of the two incidents, Mrs. Gandhi was pushed into the category of Ahmed Shah Abdali. She was termed the enemy of the Sikh panth and big prizes were announced on her head. On the other hand Bhindrawale who was guilty of heinous crimes against humanity in the name of religion was hailed as a martyr. Open display of such feelings in different parts of the country and abroad played a special role in increasing the distrust and alienation between the Sikhs and the rest of Indians. In the background of this distrust and alienation, stunned and bewildered people accepted the validity of the rumours of celebrations by the Sikhs at the heinous murder of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards in retaliation of the army action. Of these the most hurting explanation was that of Giani Kripal Singh who being the Head Granthi considered himself to be the sole spokesman of the Sikh community. He said that he expressed no sorrow at the death of Indira Gandhi. This statement added fuel to the fire of boiling anger. No immediate and natural condemnation of this despicable statement by an important leader came from responsible Sikh leaders, intellectuals or organization. Therefore the already angered common and unimaginative people took it as correct that the Sikhs celebrated the death of Indira Gandhi. Because of this belief, selfish elements could succeed in making the common people become violent against the hapless Sikhs.

    This was a most explosive situation which needed utmost patience and skilful conduct on behalf of our Sikh brothers. I am saying this, being a life member of the RSS, because on January 30, 1948 a Hindu fanatic, who was a Marathi and had no relation with the RSS, rather was a bitter critic of the Sangh, committed unfortunate killing of Mahatma Gandhi. On this occasion we also suffered the sudden eruption of hysteria, loot and atrocities of misdirected people. We ourselves saw how selfish elements who were well acquainted with this incident, deliberately declared a murderer to be a member of the RSS and also spread the rumour that the RSS people were celebrating throughout the country death of Mahatma Gandhi, and thus they succeeded in diverting the love and the feeling of loss and hurt in the hearts of people for Gandhi. Such feelings were spread against Swayamsewaks and their families, particularly in Mahrashtra.

    Having gone through such experiences myself, I can understand the strong reaction and feeling of innocent Sikh brothers who became of victims of sudden eruption of people’s violent hysteria. In fact, I would like to condemn in strongest words the inhuman barbarity and cruelty on Sikh brothers in Delhi and elsewhere. I feel proud of all those Hindu neighbours who protected lives and property of troubled Sikh brothers without caring for their lives. Such things one being heard from all over Delhi. These things have practically increased the faith in natural goodness of human behavior and particularly faith in Hindu nature.

     I am also worried at the Sikh reaction in such delicate and explosive situation. As an activist engaged in national reconstruction and unity for half a century and being a well wisher of Sikh community I am hesitating in saying that if reactive armed action by Sikhs is even partly true then they have not been able to evaluate the situation correctly and comprehensively and as a result could not respond according to the situation. Here I wish to draw the attention of all my countrymen including Sikhs that in a similar difficult situation arising out of murder of Mahatma Gandhi when in the hysteria against the RSS crimes of destruction of property, heinous burning alive of children, inhuman cruelty etc. were being committed and the news was reaching Nagpur from all over India, then the ‘dictator’ of the RSS known as the so-called big private army, the then head of the Sangh late M.S. Golwalkar issued an appeal in Nagpur on February 1, 1948 to the lakhs of armed young followers throughout the country in the following unforgettable words:

    ‘I direct all my Swayamsewak brothers that despite spread of provocation due to lack of understanding, they should adopt cordial attitude towards all and remember that this mutual distrust and improper hysteria is the result of the love and respect that the whole country has for Mahatma who made the country great in the eyes of the world. We salute such great respected departed soul’.

    These were not empty words to hide cowardice and helplessness in the hopeless situation. In those life threatening serious moments he proved that every word of his appeal had a meaning. On the evening of February 1, hundreds of Swayamsewaks in Nagpur urged for armed resistance and resisting till the last drop of their blood to stop the probable attack on their leader the same night. And some associates of Guruji told him of a conspiracy against his life and requested to shift his residence to a safe place before the attack, Guruji told them in such a black moment also that if the same people whom he had truly and with full ability, served throughout his life wanted to take his life, then why and for whom he should save his life. Thereafter he cautioned them in stern voice that even if a drop of blood of his countrymen was shed in saving him, then such a life would be useless for him. History is a witness that lakhs of Swayamsewaks spread throughout the country followed this directive word by word. Though they had to digest vulgarities in exchange of their patience and tolerance but there was a faith to give them patience that whatever may happen to them in present condition, history will definitely prove them innocent.

    I hope that in present difficult situation my Sikh brothers will also show the above-referred patience and tolerance. But I am deeply pained to know that rather than displaying such tolerance and patience at some places they have retaliated against the crowd with arms and played into the hands of such selfish elements who were eager to spread the trouble. I am surprised how a section of our society considered to be most disciplined, organized and religious, adopted such a negative and self-defeating attitude. May be they could not get proper leadership at the moments of such a crisis. Through my scanty study and understanding of Sikh history I consider that such a nonpolitical reaction of Sikhs in moments of such a crisis came from their complete involvement with teachings of love, tolerance and sacrifice of Sikh nature. Warrior nature of Sikh religion was a short time provision against barbarity of foreign Mughals which was taught by tenth Guru. For him Khalsa was a relatively small part of a broad Hindu-Sikh brotherhood and was designed as an armed hand to defend Hindu community and its traditions. Guru Govind Singh laid down for Khalsa followers five KS (Kesh, Kripan, Kangha, Kara and Kachha) and ‘Singh’ in the name of Khalsas. This was a symbol of their being soldiers. But unfortunately today these only are being projected as basic and necessary forms of Sikh religion.

    I am sorry to say that Sikh intellectuals too have failed to understand that conversion of Sikh religion into Khalsaism is a much later event and this was due to deliberate plan of British imperialists to divide and rule in Punjab. Its aim was to cut the Sikhs off from their Hindu environ. Unfortunately, after independence power hungry politicians kept alive for their own interest the unnaturally born problems of separation and equal existence, and carried forward the game of imperialists to divide and rule by their vote bank politics. This improper equating of Sikhs with militant Khalsaism is not only the basic root of separatist tendencies in some parts of Sikh community, but it also raised militancy and faith in the power of weapons to the level of religious worship.

    This religious worship gave rise to terrorist movement like Babbar Khalsa in the second decade and recently Indira Gandhi was killed as a result of terrorist wave under the leadership of Bhindrawale and a long ‘hit list’ is yet to be executed.

    I used to imagine that Sikh community has freed itself totally from illiteracy, ignorance, frustration and defeatism in which it was in the fifth decade of 19th century after losing its freedom and which was exploited by cunning British imperialists and selfish Sikh elites for their selfish interests. It is clear that in eighth decade Sikhs adorning the places of high responsibility represent highly educated, laborious, vigilant, relatively rich, enlightened and active section of Indian society in every walk of life. In nineteenth century their experiences and vision was limited to the boundaries of the then Punjab but today they are spread not only throughout India but throughout the world, and they are in a situation to directly know the conspiracies of big powers which are being hatched against independent and united India rising strongly in the world. In such an advantageous situation they should know their historical development as an integral part of India.

    Such a revaluation of history will give them the opportunity to see many wrong formulations of their own religion and past which has been systematically drilled into their brains by wrong and distorted historical writings by British administrators and intellectuals about nature and development of their religion. Such an attempt will take them to their real roots.

    This is the time that our Sikh brothers should search their hearts so that they can get rid of the false description inserted by British imperialists and power greedy opportunist people into their basic religious nature. Removal of such false descriptions is necessary to bridge the gulf of distrust and alienation between two communities of similar destiny, nature and similar traditions. I am afraid that without such a self-introspection and revaluation of history they would not be able to live with peace among themselves and with other countrymen. A disinterested analysis of their own enlightened interests will be enough to make them understand that their fate is indivisibly linked with the destiny of India. Such an understanding will save them from falling prey to the disruptive and destructive interests of foreign powers.

    I disbelieve (sic) that my Sikh brothers will accept the cautious words of spiritual expression of a well-wisher.

    Lastly, it is not to deny the truth that sudden removal of Indira Gandhi from Indian political scene has created a dangerous void in the Indian common life. But India has always displayed a characteristic inner strength in the moments of such crisis and uncertainty. According to our traditions, responsibility of power has been placed on the inexperienced shoulders of relatively young person in a lively and peaceful manner. It will be hasty to judge the potentialities of his leadership at this time. We should give him some time to show his ability.

    On such challenging juncture of the country, in the meanwhile he is entitled to get full cooperation and sympathy from the countrymen, though they may belong to any language, religion, caste or political belief.

    In the capacity of a nonpolitical constructive worker I only hope and pray that God bless him with more mature, balanced, inner strength and ability to give an impartial Govt. to the people so that he can take the country to real prosperous unity and glory.

    Guru Nanak Divas
    November 8, 1984

    Nana Deshmukh

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WOW!!! TIMES OF INDIA JOINS MOVEMENT FOR KARTARPUR CORRIDOR

Tuesday, 19 November 2013

WOW!!! TIMES OF INDIA JOINS MOVEMENT FOR KARTARPUR CORRIDOR

It is a great news for Punjabis living in all countries whether of India, Pakistan or elsewhere that India's oldest newspaper Times of India has joined movement for Kartarpur sahib Corridor. It appears the paper will regularly focus on this issue of promotion of International peace. We will continue to share the campaign of TOI. Here is the first installment of the detailed news on this which is appended below:-

For further details and to know the background of the whole movement please see:-
www.kartarpur.com    and
www.facebook.com/kartarpur

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PUNJABI SUBA OR SAGA OF NEHRU'S MEANNESS

Thursday, 14 November 2013

PUNJABI SUBA OR SAGA OF NEHRU'S MEANNESS

British India was organised into 13 provinces and 564 odd princely

states. The Congress was highly opposed to this set up and passed resolutions on more than one occasion that when it gets freedom, India will administer through provinces carved out on the basis of language. After dawn of independence it forgot all such promises and started reorganisation only after some precious blood was shed in South India and elsewhere. The Sikhs had to peacefully struggle for 20 long years to get a province carved out on the basis ol language.
On the bank of Ravi at Lahore on Jan. 26, 1929 the Congress passed a landmark resolution;
*The Congress assures the Sikhs ... and other minorities that no future constitution will be acceptable to the Congress that doesn't give full satisfaction to the parties concerned.
Come independence and the draft of constitution of free India  provides 'the Sikhs are Hindus'. The Sikh objection to it and other such anti-Sikh provisions remains ignored and they are told in no uncertain terms 'O.K you may not sign it but understand times have changed now.' This country is dear to us, please some one convey it to Nehru' pleaded the Sikh leaders. Maulana Azad said, 'Na bhai na, Panditji to accha khasa Hindu hai.' [No, man no, Panditji is a 'pucca' Hindu)  God knows what was there in J.L.Nehru's mind but he spared no energy to alienate a community whose sacrifices for country's freedom were more than any other nation [86% of the freedom fighters hanged were Sikhs.
Dr. Sangat Singh an ex-member of Joint Intelligence Committee, Govt of India 'who knew a lot', has written a book, 'Sikhs in History'. We edit and reproduce his chapter 'Nehru's Negativism [1950-1964] which originally runs into 38 pages. (The photos appended below have been added by the present editor and not Dr. Sangat Singh)
 Mentioning Jawahar Lal Nehru as his successor M.K Gandhi had written that "When I am gone, he will speak my language.' He carried on relentlessly Gandhi's policy of intolerance of Sikhism. Nehru in 1951 aspired to attain the position he conceived for himself in 1937, of being an arch Machiavelli or Chanakya. Nehru perfected the instruments of Brahmin-Bania raj, and also laid the foundation of ' institutionalized corruption.
In Punjab, he took advantage of growing Hindu-Sikh communal schism to marshal Punjabi-renegade Hindus, a minority, behind him. He made no efforts to discipline errant Congressite Arya Samajists propagating for disowning of their mother tongue Punjabi by their co-religionists in the 1951 census in Punjab and Pepsu.
ln the words of C.Raiagopalachari, [Nehru! introduced 'license and permit raj. 'He said he was more interested in development. Secondly, he said that the money had remained within India'. -Verily, Nehru laid the..foundation of a modern but obsolescent and corrupt India.
So far as the Sikhs are concerned, Nehru's attitude towards them could be summed up in one word, 'malicious'. It were these yearnings that later led him to promote schismatic Sant Nirankaris [and other gurudoms] to weaken Sikhism.
The Akali Dal manifesto of August 29, 1961, averred: The true test of democracy, is that the minority should feel that they are really free and equal partners in the destiny of the country; it is vital that a Punjabi-speaking province should be carved out."
The Sikh frustration was fully summed up by the Staff Correspondent the Times of India (15 August, 1951 ), when he wrote, 'Admittedly, most of the Sikhs are sore against the Congress. In Punjab in particular the so called Congressmen have been hostile to the Sikhs and to all what the Sikhs stand for....'

Master Tara Singh

Speaking on Gandhi Jayanti, October 2, 1957, Nehru dubbed Punjabi speaking state as a "Sikh state". He adduced  that conceding it would imperil the northern borders of India.
There were saner voices like those of Prof. Om Parkash Kahol who wrote on October 17, 1951. If Hinds continue their anomalous antipathy against Punjabi, they will be paving the way for the creation of a Sikh State, which they  can easily avert today.'
 Nehru's outburst at the public meeting of Patiala on January, 4, 1951. 'l will not allow India to be divided again", was expressive of typical Nehruvian malignant attitude towards the Sikhs. In Punjab, Partap Singh Kairon had the support of the Congress legislative party. But since a Sikh whatever denomination was not yet acceptable to Punjabi-renegade Hindus, at Nehru's intervention Bhim Sen Sachar instead was inducted as Chief Minister.
In Pepsu, United Front under the leadership of Gian Singh Rarewala - of Shiromani Akali Dal was in majority but instead  Col. Raghbir Singh of minority Congress was inducted as Chief Minister. That only indicated that right from the inception of the electoral process,  Congress with its ill-gotten, inflated, strength at the Centre, was not willing to respect the people's will.

Partap Singh Kairon

Col. Raghbir Singh was defeated on the very first day of the meeting of the Assembly and had to resign" Gian Singh Rarewala was sworn in as Chief Minister of United Front government on April 20, 1951. He had the distinction of heading the first non-Congress government formed in an Indian state.
The Central Government started day to day interference in the daily administration of Pepsu. For instance the United Front Ministry was prevented from inducting a Harijan member as Minister.
The first steps towards formation of linguistic provinces was taken on December 19, 1952, when Nehru agreed to the formation of Andhra Province, following three days of rioting after Potti Sriramulu's death by fasting on this issue. Though Nehru had agreed to the formation of Andhra in 1949, it required Sriramulu's blood to force his hands.
Master Tara Singh was arrested in Amritsar on February 24, 1953, by Punjab  Government for violating prohibitory orders; Master's arrest was in 'sharp contrast to Congress party's resolution of January last on detention of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in Pakistan. The Akalis in protest called for Satyagraha against interference in religious affairs.
Masters arrest was only a diversionary move. The real objective was removal of the non-Congress government in Pepsu. The Assembly was dissolved and state placed under presidents rule on March 5.
The Akalis looked at these provisions as a blot on the federal structure. These helped turn the Central Government no less tyrannical than the imperial Government under the British or the  Mughals. Mr.Rao was sent as an administrator. Elections to the new house were not held for almost a year, till Nehru was able to subvert the alignment of certain elements in the United Front and win them over.

Undivided Punjab before partition of 1947

Gian Singh Rarewala

 Once the Government of India s operations in Pepsu were over, government  promptly agreed to withdraw cases against Master Tara Singh and he was released on March 14.
Meanwhile on December 13, 1953, Nehru went to the historic shrine of Fatehgarh Sahib: marking the site of martyrdom of two younger sons of Guru Gobind Singh, betrayed to the Mughals by his ancestor, Gangu Brahmin. The congregation in unison raised slogans in favour of Punjabi Suba, and refused to listen to Nehru who blamed Gian Singh Rarewala for organising the people's resentment. He also blamed Master for not intervening to restore calm. Chastened, Nehru left without making any speech.
The demands of Punjabi speaking state, Himachal and Greater Delhi or Haryana or Jat Heartland were complementary in character.

Nehru, Rarewala & others

The demand for Maha Punjab or Greater Punjab by merger of Punjab, Pepsu and Himachal with or without parts of U.P., emanated from a desire to save Jalandhar Division 'urban Hindus from unenviable position in which they found themselves. They described Punjabi speaking state as he one designed to make the Sikhs "he real power in the state', as if that was a crime.
This was quite reflected in Nehru's choice of personnel for the States Reorganisation Commission set up on December 29, 1953, as we shall see later. Nehru while briefing the members of the SRC had decried the demand for Punjabi speaking state interalia as a demand for 'Sikh State' wherein the Sikhs would be in majority.
The report of the Commission on Punjabi speaking state was malefic and a forgone conclusion.

Bhim Sen Sachar

Early in 1955, election to the SGPC were fought on the issue of Punjabi speaking state, The Congress organised Khalsa Dal to fight the Gurdwara elections. It set up candidates on 132 seats. The Khalsa Dal lost all but 3 seats. The Akalis won all 112 seats they contested,
Sachar now sought to involve Master after centuries of slavery, was quite discernible from the quantum of sacrilege against Sikhism. Throwing  of cigarettes boxes in sacred tanks, tearing of Gurbani Gutkas and discarding the leaves in Bazars, shearing of Keshas of sleeping Sikhs, and desecration of Sikh places of worship that Cropped up as a result of the agitation.

Baldev Singh

The Sikhs sponsored a complete hartal on August 22, 1957 . Master was still willing to accept Regional Formula if it was implemented. That was obvious at the first Punjabi Suba Conference held in Amritsar on October 12, 1958, under the auspices of Sant Fateh Singh, Vice President of the Akali Dal. Kairon, at the instance of the Central Government  signaled Giani Kartar Singh to initiate steps to oust Master from Presidentship of the SGPC. He did this in the annual elections on November 16, 1958, by 77 to 74 votes.

Bhim Sen Sachar

Master regarded the whole going on as an infringement of Congress "Akali accord on government's non-interference in the Gurdwara affairs. He met Nehru on January 2, 1959, to ask for arbitration on the issue. Akali Dal also decided to revive its political activity. Master decided to lead a silent procession in Delhi on March 15, 1959. The Punjab government arrested him a day earlier. It also cancelled the special train and permits for buses hired to transport the Akalis from Punjab to Delhi for the silent procession. Several arrests were made at Ludhiana and other places. This uncalled for action whipped up much enthusiasm in taking out the mammoth silent procession from Parade Ground, Delhi at 11 a.m. to Gurdwara Rakab Ganj at 5 p.m. by the people estimated at 50,000 to 300,000. Master was released on March 21, 1959, and thereafter he got Nehru's letter rejecting the arbitration asked for.

Jathedar Rachhpal Singh of
Delhi. Govt's known puppet

Master threatened to go on fast from April 16, 1959. That made Nehru to invite him to tea on April 11 , 1959. The talks resulted in Nehru Master Pad. Nehru agreed ln principle to government's non-interference in the Gurdwara affairs.
Master then the next step on May 7, 1959, when he announced to fight the forthcoming elections to the SGPC in January, 1960, over the issue of Punjabi Suba. The Congressite Sikhs earnestly took up the challenge. Kairon sponsored a Sadh Sangat Board to fight the Gurdwara elections. Giani Kartar Singh even resigned his Ministership on October 24, 1959, to devote full time to Gurdwara elections.
The decision to bifurcate the composite state of Bombay into two states of Maharashtra and Gujarat on December 23, 1959, had an electronic effect on the Sikhs as now Punjab was the only bilingual state left.

Giani Kartar Singh

In the Gurdwara elections in January 1960, the Akalis swept the polls securing 136 seats with 4 going to the Sadh Sangat Board [of Congress]. The Communist sponsored Desh Bhagat Board which had played a retrogressive role was wiped out. In March, Akali Dal called upon all those who had joined the Congress in on after 1956 at its direction, to resign from the Congress and ib Committee. Only five Akali MLAs out of 24, and none from the three MPs, came out of the Congress.
Master moved in, measured paces to force the issue. To begin with, he called a Punjabi Suba conventim at Amritsar on May 22, 1960. The next step was taking out of a peaceful procession at Delhi on June 12. Master planned to start a march on May 29 from Amritsar to marshal support on the way.
 These Akali moves came timely for Kairon, then passing through a difficult phase. He had been charged by senior members of he Congress Assembly Party, of dictatorial attitude and of charges of corruption, nepotism and favouritism. The judgment of the Punjab High Court in Kamal  murder case in which strictures were passed against Kairon and his cohorts for concocting the case was glaring.

Partap Singh Kairon

Kairon seized the opportJnity, by arresting Master along with 200 Akali leaders and workers on May 24 all over Punjab. Police let loose a reign of tenor, with false cases being concocted against Akali sympathisers. Thus, Kairon was able to force Akalis to launch an agitation, second time in six years, when from May 30, a jatha of 11 Akalis each would move to Delhi and offer arrests.
Kairon's sealing of the offices and press of pro-Akali dailies, Parbhat (Urdu) and Akali (Punjabi) and arresting their staff members evoked strong protest from AII India Journalists Association as an attack on freedom of the press.

Sardar Patel: India's first home minister

The procession at Delhi was banned and its borders sealed to prevent ingress of the Sikhs. The congregation held at Gandhi. Grounds near Gurdwara 'Sis Ganj by the Sikhs of Delhi was disrupted by the police on June 12, 1960. Thousands of Sikhs, collected in front of the Gurdwara, were subjected to lathi charge and tear gas shells. These resulted, according to some sources, in seven deaths and a thousand injured. Then, there was a list of 258 persons found ' missing. Police was believed to have secretly burnt truckload of bodies of those dead and not yet dead. The question of police atrocities came up before Indian Jurists, and had its echo in the U.N. General Assembly with Foreign Minister of South Africa articulating the inhuman excesses. About two thousand Akalis were arrested. The Sikhs were€ hounded everywhere in cafes, restaurants, and shops. Even passers by were not spared so much so that Congressmen like Giani Kartar Singh who had just bitterly fought Master in the gurdwara elections, condemned the police excesses.
Delhi opened second front of the morcha for Punjabi Suba with Rachhpal Singh, President of Akali Dal, as dictator [presently turned a stooge of the Govt: a mercenary], and offered 11 arrests dailly.
Sant Fateh Singh took over as dictator of the morcha, agitation, at Amritsar after Master's arrest, he competently organised the agitation and by July 25, 1960, as many as 17,821 Akalis had been arrested in Amritsar alone.
The Hindu communalists of various hues –Congressite-Arya Samajists, office holders of Sanatan Dharam Pratinidhi Sabha and a host of others including Jagat Narain termed the demand for Punjabi Suba as a step towards independent Sikh state and offered their support to the Govt. So also was the case with Sikh leaders who sought to curry  facour with the government.
Nehru's 1960 Independence Day broadcast terming the agitation as a stage tamasha, only reflected his closed mind.

M.S.Golwalkar of RSS

The Punjab Governor's ordinance on October 2, declaring Punjabi as the official language at district level on the basis cf Regional Formula was belated recognition of dawn of wisdom in the government. Ranbir of Urdu daily Milap on August 21, 1960, exhorted Punjabi-renegade Hindus to own up their mother tongue and not be 'a traitor' to their mother. RSS leader, M.S. Golwalkar in November, 1960, when on a visit to the Punjab, urged Punjabi Hindus to "accept Punjabi as their mother tongue" with all its consequences.   
Nehru failed to rise to the occasion. Rather on November 17, 1960  at the Agricultural University at Rudrapur [UPJ, when some Sikhs interrupted his speech shouting Punjabi Suba Zindabad, Nehru burst forth "You fools, your Punjabi Suba has been left in Pakistan. Go to your Suba. Why are you here ?".
Sant Fateh Singh on October 29, wrote to Nehru, 'Your statement has brought the things to a level that I am left with no alternative but to resort to fast unto death to prick your conscience.' [And  fixed  December 18, 1 960, as the beginning of his fast].
Two days later, Nehru repeated his December 1959 statement that "Punjabi is the main language of Punjab" and Fateh Singh gave indication of grasping Nehru's conciliatory hand. But there was guile in Nehru's talk to declare entire Punjab a unilingual state with Punjabi as state language. Kairon's followers, a battery of Sikh MLAs, lined up to condemn the fast as anti-democratic and against the tenets of the Sikh faith. Kairon released Master on January 4, 1961. Already under his instructions, Superintendent of Dharamsala Jail had worked upon Master's gullibility that Sant Fateh Singh had stolen a march over him in popular estimation and threatened his leadership.
Sant Fateh Singh refused to accept Nehru's telegram from Bhavnagar offering negotiations on unilingual Punjabi speaking state. Fateh Singh's statement made Master to fly to Bhavnagar for personal talks with Nehru on January 7, 1901. Nehru and Master had sharp exchanges. Nehru ridiculed the overall Sikh percentage in India, and said imperiously he had had enough of them. And, if they persist, he would teach them a lesson that they would remember for generations.
Master said if it came to that, the Sikhs would know how to defend themselves. The responsibility for disintegration of India would be that of Nehru, and history won't forgive him. He left disappointed.
Nehru decided to reiterate the following day that, "lt is not out of any discrimination of Punjab or distrust of Sikhs that this  process of forming a linguistic state was not possible after applying it elsewhere."
There was nothing new in Nehru's empty statement but Master then in Delhi sent a telegram to Fateh Singh to break his fast as, "lt fulfils requirements of vow. Fateh Singh's breaking his fast on January 9, 1961, came as an anti-climax. Sikhs then suspected the bonafides of Master. Some felt he did it because he was stung by the jealousy of Sant.

THE PUNJABI SUBA

To the Sikh masses, it indicated that the struggle for Punjabi Suba was lost. Master was hooted at Manji Sahib on January 11, and again the following day. The Sikh gathering at Mukatsar for Maghi Mela refused to listen to him. His influence was on the wane.
[Later] Nehru held three rounds of talks with Fateh Singh on February 8, March 1, and May 8, 1961 , when he advanced specious arguments for nm-formation of Rrnjabi Suba. He, interalia, argued.
lst meeting, February 8:
[Nehru's objections] 1. There would be "a large section of Hindus as a religious minority in the Punjabi speaking state who would not be willing to co-operate; what safeguards would be given to that minority?"
2. In case of formation of Punjabi Suba there would be psychological and sentimental barriers against the Sikhs in other parts of India. (Fateh Singh frankly told Nehru that it was unbecoming of him to talk in religious and communal terms.)

Nehru sowed the seed of pseudo-Gurudoms or Deras in Sikhs.
Here he is .seen with Kukas or Namdhari Guru.

3. Different countries were coming together towards World State idea, and Punjabi Suba was incompatible with that. (Fateh Singh said that when the idea took a practical shape, they would not be lagging behind.)
2nd meeting, March 1:
4. Again, Hindus in Punjabi Suba would become a minority, thereby aggravating minority problem. (Fateh Singh told him that they should not talk in terms of communal minorities, but linguistic minorities. And then Hindus would be almost equal in Punjabi Suba)
S. The government was under heavy burden - border dispute with China, threat from Pakistan, mob violence in Karachi, communal riots in Jabalpur and Sagar in Madhya Pradesh. Therefore, Punjabi Suba can not be formed.
6. He could not hand over, power to an irresponsible persons such as Master. How could he hand over power to enemies (Nehru actually regarded all the Sikhs enemies except those serving him who in his views were mercenaries-Sangat Singh)
3rd meeting, May 12
7. When people were going to the moon, why should hardworking people of Punjab ask for Punjabi Suba ?
8. By conceding Punjabi Suba, Five year would stand obstructed.
9. Pakistan and China had encroacfred on our land, therefore no Punjabi Suba.
10. Urban Hindus in Punjab were annoyed because more and more people from rural areas were coming forward and participating in public life causing annoyance to Hindus.
Sant Fateh Singh said, "Panditji you are considering as if some Sikh state was being carved out. I may make it clear that Punjabi- speaking state would be like other states of Bharat. " Nehru said that it was his final opinion that there would be no Punjabi Suba during his life time.
Shortly after wards Nehru recorded a note "For Eyes Only" For his successors that in future no concession whatsoever should be made to the Sikhs.
Going through the brochure of these talks some one aptly summed up his attitude towards Nehru in a monosyllable in Punjabi, 'kameena' mean in English language does not adequately convey the Punjabi nuances of the word. Nehru, in short from these talks comes out a rabid communalist pucca Hindu, rabidly anti-Sikh.

Jagat Narain: This man is known for creating
cleavage among Punjabis

Meanwhile, a section of Punjabi Hindus, because of tense atmosphere, disowned Punjabi in the 1961 Census.
Sant Fateh Singh indeed was a disappointed man. He again talked of the need for a supreme sacrifice to achieve the objective.
The General Body of the Akali Dal on May 28, 1961 authorised Master to go on fast unto death. Master fixed August 15, for its commencement. The resolution adopted, interalia, stated.
The statement of Harcharan Singh Hudiara that after Master and Fateh Singh "the new Akali leaders might give a call for an independent Punjabi state instead of Punjabi Suba" was significant.

Maharaja Yadvindera Singh of Patiala

Master's offer to accept a plebiscite on the issue in the Punjabi region, which he said would be discriminatory against the Sikhs, evoked no response. Master as such began his fast on August 'l 5, 1961.
Fateh Singh drew blank in his talks with Nehru on August 24-25. In Parliament on August 28, 1961 , he made an offer to go in for a high level enquiry into charges of discrimination against the Sikhs.
ln a special debate on Argust 30, in Rajya' Sabha he was forthright that conceding Punjabi Suba would effect the whole future of the Punjab and India. This stunned the Sikhs. The Akali Dal deplored Nehru,s "positive incitement against this small minority.'   
Nehru was willing to face civil war, and exterminate the Sikhs a la Shankractrarya,s extermination of Buddhists. The Akalis had the option to go ahead for Punjabi Suba with the Sikh community annihilated.

Hardit Singh Mallik

On September 29, he appealed to Master to give up the fast. The following day. Hardit Singh Malik accompanied by Maharaja Patiala met Nehru. There was talk of a compromise around the proposed High Power Commission. Master was assured of favourable terms of reference and of personnel of he High Powered  Commission. He broke his fast on October 1, 1961. The Akali Dal Working Committee approved of the compromise. By that time 57129 Akali workers had courted arrest. [Earlier the roles of Malik and Maharaja during parleys with Jinnah were also dubious which prevented Sikhs from any negotiated settlement-Editor]
Punjabi renegade Hindus now activated themselves to sabotage the settlement.

Justice SR Das and his wife with Japanese Chief Justice

Master accompanied by Malik saw Nehru on. October 30, The government issued notification the following day constituting the High Powered Commission consisting of S.R.Das, as Chairman, and C.P. Ramaswami Ayar and M.C. Chagla as members, to go into the charges of discrimination against the Sikhs.
 It immediately invited Akali protest Master asserted that mediators had informed him that Commission would consist of Patanjali Shastri, Ramaswami Mudaliar and another nominee of the government. Malik later asserted that Nehru had actually backed ant of his words.
The Akalis legitimately doubted the integrity of the Commission and decided to boycott it.
Kartar Singh Chawla, an Advocate appeared in his personal capacity and wanted to be granted amnesty for referring to some 'secret circular' and other government documents' to establish discrimination. Since the Commission was not interested in this line of enquiry it declined.

Dr. Gopal Singh : He sold the Sikh interests for a song

Pratap Singh Kairon brought in Dr. Gopal Singh Dardi, who appeared before the Commission on behalf of Nationalist Sikhs, a nebulous [vague] entity. He contented that there was no discrimination but rather the, Sikhs were accorded preferential treatment. The Commission was a big Tamasha and its report a foregone conclusion. The only beneficiary was Dr.Gopal Singh who was rewarded with nomination to Rajya Sabha, later he got two Ambaisadorial appointments, was a Member of the Minority Commission, Lt. Governor and then Governor. [in fact Gopal had rendered similar services during Partition process as well] In between when he was out of job, he would start fulminating till his mouth was shut again.
Master's breaking the fast without achieving any thing created turmoil in the rank and file. It helped to initiate the process of disintegration of the Akali Dal. Lachhman Singh Gill, an ambitious but unscrupulous government  contractor, and Jiwan Singh Umananargal on Nwember 15, 1961, asked Master to resign from Presidentship of Akali Dal. Fateh Singh sided with Gill and others in the ensuing confrontation. Eventually the case whether Master and Fateh Singh had broken the vow went to Panj Piaras (fiva beloved ones) -of Akal Takhat Golden Temple to adjudicate. Their verdict on November 29, 1961, held both of them guilty of breaking the vow  with Fateh Singh being treated leniently. This contributed to the parting of the ways between Master and Fateh Singh.

Justice MC Chagla

Sant Fateh Singh  the rising star in the Sikh politics, personally concentrated on defeating Kairon. Tur won the seat, but the polling officer declared Kairon elected by 34 votes. The Chief Election Commissioner, Sundram, after an on-the-spot study reportedly told Nehru of the grave abuse of electoral processes. Nehru, however, justified them saying "l want Pratap Singh Kairon to be the Chief Minister of the Punjab."
Kairon's position was now weakened, but that all the more made him obdurate. Firstly, he began talking through his turban, of Punjab's merger not only with Himachal Pradesh, but also Rajasthan, part or whole of Jammu and Kashmir to make for a strong border state. Secondly, he started harping on Jat culture and character in the process seeking to encourage revolt in Akali Dal against leadership of Master, a Khatri. Kairon now adopted a patronising attitude towards Sant Fateh Singh, especially the Akali dissidents who were Jatts.
Sant Fateh Singh who emerged as leader of the breakaway faction reiterated the demand for Punjabi Suba on a purely linguistic basis. The Hindu press, in glee at the division in Akali ranks, started building up Sant Fateh Singh.

Sishila Nayyar

The Chinese struck in a major way scattering the Indian forces. The Sikh soldiers who fought the Chinese valiantly were special target of Chinese atrocities. But these had no impact on Punjabi renegade Hindus and their helmsman Nehru, who even in his wretched state continued to regard the Sikhs only as mercenaries. For instance, Dr: Sushila Nayar, Health Minister who had once put her fingers on the pulse of M.K. Gandhi, November 11 , 1963, ridiculed the Sikhs and their Gurus by calling them 'Just unshaven Hindus distinguished by their unshingled, unshorn appearance, blindly imitating their ancestors who lacked the leisure and facilities for proper shave". On June 25, 1963, Acharya Mnobha Bhave, had ridiculed the practice of present day Sikhs wearing the Kirpan (sword) which like Gandhi earlier he called as an outmoded weapon. In early 1964, Bihar government  officials shaved off the moustache and the beard of a Sikh driver who, did not let them take over his vehicle. After a judicial enquiry was instituted, senior officials of the Bihar Government  went to Patna Sahib Gurdwara and publicly apologised. Finally, five days before Nehru's death, May 22, 1964, Himachal police 'fired at the Sikh historical shrine of Paonta Sahib, killing many Nihang Sikhs. The police desecrated the historic shrine.
The irrepressible Dr.Ram Manohar Lohia in a telling statement in Parliament stated,:
"Are you looking for a traitor?" Pointing to Nehru, he continued, "Here is he. His name is Jawaharlal Nehru." Nehru could not strike back in self defence. The same evening he had a paralytic stroke which crippled his body; he had already been out of his mind since 1959. But he did not follow the democratic traditions and resign.
Meanwhile. the Working 'Committee of Sant Akali Dal in December 1962 had decided not to press the demand for Punjabi Suba because of the national emergency.
Kairon's raising of auxiliary force namely Home Guards and going in for an air rifle factory with American collaboration caused doubts in members of Congress High Command about his intentions in post-Nehru era. A group of Congressmen submitted memorandum about his malfeasance and that of his family members. A deputation of joint opposition leaders led by Master and including, Jagat Narain and others, submitted a memorandum to President Radhakishnan, enlisting 32 charges of corruption, nepotism and favoritism against Kairon. Nehru was forced to institute a one-man enquiry commission, consisting of S.R. Das, though he publicly justified the need for continuation of Kairon – 'a slave overseer... more heartless than any alien beast." The dissident Congress members of Legislative Assembly protested to Nehru for acquitting Kairon beforehand
Dispirited, Nehru passed melancholy days till he passed into history on May 27, 1964. It was whispered in a hush hush manner in the corridors of South Block that he had died of syphilis. With Nehru's death, Kairon's exit was only a matter of time. An era passed away in the history of Punjab and of the Sikhs. Nehru era was marked by a rapacious policy of negativism towards the Sikhs. Significantly, Sardar Patel in one of his observations had regarded Nehru's attitude towards Kashmir and towards the Sikhs as that of "emotional insanity" .
We quote two Sikh assessments one in  1952 and the other as homage on his death.
"Pandit Nehru is, the spear head of militant Hindu chauvinism who glibly talks about nationalism, a tyrant who eulogises democracy and a Goebblian liar-in a short, a political cheat, deceiver and double dealer in the service of Indian reaction."
"When an issue inviting the Sikh right's, even on the basis of justice and equity came up, Nehru lost his cool and emitted uncontrolled, instinctive, and emotional outburst fuelled by wild passions. He played ' the Hindu communal card repeatedly."
 His Gangu Brahmin heritage weighed too much upon him, When he spoke of national integration, in Punjab he always meant the integration of Sikhism within Hinduism. He patronised the schismatic Sikh sects to weaken the main body of the Khalsa. He left behind a deep legacy of anti-Sikhism, and a blueprint for their annihilation. Later, these came quite handy to his daughter Indira.
 

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