Showing posts with label 11. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 11. Show all posts

CASTEISM IN SIKHS

Friday, 13 December 2013

CASTEISM IN SIKHS 

Coin a different term for it

We reproduce an article from a Delhi based journal 'Dalit. Voice' which wrongly claims that Sikhism is almost as caste-ridden as Hinduism is. Author's objection being that the marriages in Sikhs are still caste based and the lower caste Sikhs are still discriminated against. We feel either the author has no knowledge of what casteism is or there could be some deliberate attempt to defame Sikhism. The author must note that the remnants of casteism/tribalism that he has noticed are there in Islam as well in Middle East, Pakistan and Bangladesh too. Cast-conscious matrimonial 'do appear in Pakistani dailies as well. We admit that it is a fact that caste -consciousness does exist here in Punjab but its shape and form are quite different from elsewhere in India. Caste awareness at the time of marriage is partially due to financial status determination. Besides what ever little awareness exists its magnitude is much less as compared to caste-consciousness within shudra outside Punjab. The author cites example of Tarkhan [carpenter] Sikhs. We need to tell him that the Tarkhan were shudra of the Hindu Varnasharam rechristened today as the Ranrgarhias in Sikhism, they are today the most prosperous community, which has a feeling of superiority. They consider themselves better than Bhapas and also Jatts who themselves were shudra once upon a time in history. The author must note that here in Punjab it is 'his dalits' which dominate, poor Khatris- Aroras [kshatriyal and Brahmins with secondary political status assigned. For example Giani Puran Singh [ex-head of Sri Akal Takhat] and Baba Thakur Singh head of Dam Dami Taksal come from the erstwhile Balmiki caste. Bibi Jagir Kaur comes from the Lubana caste. But these facts are not known to Sikh masses and Dalit Voice may carry out some survey on this.  Rao must compare the incidence of Casteism elsewhere in India and Punjab. Can Rao find an untouchable serving langar the kitchen to Brahmins? In Sikhism it happens.
Coming to the writer's comments that Sikhism has not united castes, perhaps the writer can't discriminate between the caste incidence of Punjab and other parts of lndia. 
Some political parties like Congress have however tried to play havoc with the Sikhs to create caste awareness among Sikhs. Like they tried to form caste based forums to dilute national i.e qaumi feeling among Sikhs by dividing them and they have succeeded partially but ultimately truth shall prevail. 
Dalit Voice may analyse the caste based Gurdwaras in Delhi's. We dont know whether the writer will be pleased or displeased to know that out of about 90 Gurdwaras in Delhi only 3 or 4 are caste based ones which again are promoted by the erstwhile Congressite Sikhs. 
Coming to newspaper matrimonial; we have before us Tribune of Feb.13 [Sunday] total caste title/categories that figure arc Hindu-Brahmin, Khatri/Arora, Vaish/Jain, Rajput and Miscellaneous and now mark Sikhs- it is Sikh, and Jat Sikh, that is all. There again it is the Tribune which does mischief. It is their office which divide matrimonial into such categories. Now compare it with the Hindustan Times Delhi matrimonial with almost half a century caste categoris.
Buta Singh, if he feels that he is being treated as untouchable, it is for his kartoots actions towards Sikhs that he had to flee from Punjab and get his son married in a Bengali family. 
The fact is this editor feels ashamed of talking like this in caste terms it is sinful. Because Guru says caste-awareness is attributable to ego which has to be minimised on the path to religion. Guru Nanak brought a revolutionary change when an erstwhile Balmiki was asked to serve langar at Kartarpur sahib. 

RELIGION DOES NOT UNITE CASTES

Y.Chinna Rao

A visit to Punjab in October last and attending a two day seminar of Sikh intellectuals at Chandigarh helped us throw further light on our "caste identity' Debate. 
 Our three days stay and discussions with upper caste Sikhs, Dalit Sikhs, Backward Caste Sikhs, Dalits Christians and non-Sikh Dalits etc. further convinced us that religion does not unite. 
The Sikh religion offers the best proof for this. The Sikh religion not bind the Sikhs but it did not create even an understanding. This is what SC/BC Sikhs and others told us at Chandigarh. 
The Tribune, Chandigarh, the largest circulated English daily, had several pages cf matrimonial advertisements on Sikhs. The ads clearly mentioned the sub caste of every Sikh boy or girl whom the advertisers are seeking. And many of the advertisers are based in the West. Caste making a devil's dance within every Sikh. Such a powerful religion today is broken into pieces – water tight compartments. 
Death blow to caste: The Sikh religion was founded by Guru Nanak to destroy the caste System and liberate the Dalits and other oppressed jatis. The last Master( Guru Gobind Singh gave a death blow to caste system and declared Sikhism as something different from both Hinduism and lslam. But what is the fate today? Caste is intart among Sikhs. 
Even upper caste Sikhs like the Khatri, Arora, Jat etc. are also equally divided. Each Sikh jati has separate gurdwara of its own. Gurcharan Singh Giani, who heads a Sikh jati of Ramgaria (carpenters), said Sikhism was steeped in casteism. President Zail Singh belonged to this caste. 
The Dalit Sikhs, Dalit Christians, Ramgarhia Sikhs, and even some honest 'upper caste Sikh leaders admitted that every person in Punjab lived in a water tight compartment of his or her caste. Sikhs are as much divided on caste lines as the Hindus. 
Theory & Practice: ln theory Sikhs have no caste, Sikh religion is again caste. yes. This is theory. Sikhism is anti-caste and there is no scriptural sanction to caste. But in Punjab, where a Sikh Govt. is ruling, every selection to every post, whether religious, official academic or political, is done on the basis of one's jati. 
ln all other states of lndia, there is no rule of any one particular religion. But in punjab, whereas Sikh Govt.  ruling, every decision is taken as per the Sikh religious dictates. 
So in such a Sikh state every action should have been guided by the Sikh  religion. This is not so in practice. The Sikh political leadership is in the hands of Jat Sikhs who are the ruling class and all top jobs are held by this jati. How can we then say religion unites a people? Can there be a better example to prove Baba saheb's argument? 
Buta Singh Example:
Buta Singh offers the best example to prove how caste identity remains untouched despite the fact that he is a Sikh. Buta Singh, a former Union Home Mhister and now a member of the Lok Sabha from Rajsthan, is a Sikh. Both his mother and father were born Sikhs. He regularly attends gurdwaras and prays as a devout Sikh. He has the Sikh turbans. Sikhs beard and every identify of a Sikh. 
Yet, the upper caste Sikhs don't accept him, don't embrace him, don't take him into confidence. To them he is a Dalit. Buta Singh once told us that the upper caste Sikhs do not even address him as "sardar Buta Singh". 
But even among Dalils, he a Valmiki, sweeper community man. Valmiki, therefore, is his jati identity. And he is the president of his jati association in which there are both Sikh Valmikis  and also non-sikh Valmikis. Even after becoming a Sikh, he continues to be a Valmiki. Jati never dies because jati is our identity. 
Here is India's most beautiful case to prove how "caste identity 'can never be diluted let alone destroyed even after embracing a revolutionary religion like Slkhism. 

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Please also see
UNTOUCHABLES TRIBALS AND SHUDRA WERE NEVER HINDUS
http://www.punjabmonitor.com/2013/12/untouchables-tribals-and-shudra-were.html
Continue Reading | comments

UNTOUCHABLES, TRIBALS AND SHUDRA WERE NEVER HINDUS

UNTOUCHABLES, TRIBALS AND SHUDRA WERE NEVER HINDUS 

When we were children we used to be taught that Hinduism is the most tolerant faith. Now having grown up we often see the demonstration of this 'fact'. We see how a Christian religious meeting at Amritsar was not allowed to be held by the Hindu protagonists. How a man called Staines was burnt alive with his two sons, for the crime that he was a Christian missionary. Their objection is that through their education and hospital services these Christians are converting innocent Hindu people to Christianity. We ask why do you allow such a lacunae of services? Why don't you yourself provide it? But the fact is, it is the Brahminic ideology to keep some people deprived of what we now days call 'human rights' Or is it the independence fever? 
We quote some of the examples how the Mannu Simritis is discriminatory to a certain section of society called Shudras; 
•    If a Brahmins eats the food offered by a Shudra he will have to undergo rebirths of 7 lives of a dog and 9 times he will be born as a pig. 
•    If a Shudra utters a word from Vedas he will surely go to hell. 
•    If a Shudra arranges a 'hom' (worship) it is the duty of the king to get him killed. 
•    Shudra should not be allowed to listen religious discourses and sermons. 
•    If a Shudra speaks harsh language to the Brahmins the king should pour boiling oil on his mouth.  Brahmins should desist from settling in the kingdom ruled by Shudra. 
On the other hand see the privileged treatment to Brahmins:
•    Brahmin is the master of whole material things and he can assume possession of any thing. He need not pay any thing neither revenue to the king. 
•    If the king happen to dig a treasure he should share it with the Brahmin. 
•    If a Brahmin is caught stealing, he should not be punished, because it is the fault of the king that Brahmin remained needy and he had to resort to stealing. 
•    Literate or fool the Brahmin is a respectable god as fire is always pious evens though produced without the chanting of any hymn. 
•    Besides the Valmiki Ramayam has an episode where  Shambuk  a Shudra had undergone penance and his devotion of bhagti was likely to be awarded by God. Then a Brahmin rushed to Bhagwan Rama complaining how a Shudra's bhagti was likely to be accomplished and awarded and that there was need of its being stopped. It is written in the Ramayana that Rama rushed to the place and beheaded Shambuk before he could accomplish the feat. 
Guru Nanak brought a revolution when 500 years ago he made a Shudra to sit along with high castes ones and dine at a langer at Kartarpur sahib. Brahmins tried to undo it when Ptrnjab was annexed in the middle of 196 century and the Hindustanis identified with the English invaders. They commenced mass conversion of Shudra in the programmes called Shudi and keshas of thousands of Shudra were shorn in groups. 
Saraswati Daya Nand led the Shudi campaign. It is a shear highhandedness that these Brahmins don't allow conversions notwithstanding the discriminatory treatnent meted out to shudra. 
Here we reproduce a piece published in the Hindustan Times of Delhi on Jan. 20 and two rejoinders that the papers received. 

UNTOUCHABLES, TRIBALS AND SHUDRA WERE NEVER HINDUS 

Y. Chinna Rao
On the eve of  the Pope's visit there were claims and counter claims Christianity in general in India and re-conversion in particular. Since 80 per cent of converts to Christianity have been either dalits or tribals, the conversion debate primarily concerns them. What is forgotten in the politically motivated campaigning is that dalits and tribals were never Hindus. Traditionally, dalits, known as panchamas, bahyas and achhoots or outcastes, were outside the caste order. 
The debate points to the dubious manner in which facts are recklessly misinterpreted. The sudden rhetoric displaying love and brotherliness for the dalits by Hindu narcissists reveals the desire to hold their hegemonic social structure intact by incorporating dalits and tribals into a social system which had no space for them till the missionaries, and more specifically Britishers, came to lndia. The sudden  aggressive mood and the claim that dalits are a part of Hindutava is the result of insecurity arising from the loosening of Brahminical dominance. 
lndeed, it needs to be emphasised that dalits have advanced to a stage in history where they can express their identity independent of outside sympathy. They no longer need patrons and godfathers. Today they are in a position to speak for themselves. It is also pertinent to note that the interests of the dalits and the Hindus are antagonistic to each better. Even before the arrival of Aryan immigrants, dalits and tribals had an independent culture, highly democratic in nature. The religion, beliefs, customs and ideals of dalits and tribals have been the very anti-thesis to the in-egalitarian, exploitative and repressive culture of the Hindus. 
How the dalits came to be defined as Hindus is a question the VHP and their ' associates [RSS] have yet to answer. The dalits and tribals have always been outside the pale of the chaturvarna scheme of stratification. They are in several places not allowed to enter Hindu temples, not served by Hindu priests, and not allowed to read ihe 'sacred' texts of Hindu religion. Then how can one count them as Hindus ? 
Numerous writings of foreign travelers and works of anthropologists show that  before the advent of Christianity in lndia, dalits had a religious system of their own. Dalits are concerned with their local village goddesses. The female goddesses appear dominant. Unlike in Hinduism they emerge as independent, unblushing erotic female figures. Be it the Mariamma, Poleramma, Peddamma, or any local deity, they have nothing in common with 'the goddesses of the Hindus pantheon. Other than the local village goddesses, they worship kula devata (caste deity) and lnti devata (family deity). Later these traditions were incorporated as "little" traditions by Brahminical  anthropologists and sociologists to protect their tradition as the "great' tradition, on account of its "intellectual", "classical" and "higher' philosophy. 
The first three census reports of 1881 , 1891 and 1901 were limited in scope and excluded the dalits. With the introduction of separate electorate, communal statistics gained greater significance. Communities became increasingly conscious not only of their own numbers but also those of the other communities. The numbers game was being played between Hindus and Muslims. In this period dalits were used by the politically motivated caste Hindus. The census proved to be a blessing in disguise for the dalits whose numbers came to be decisive in the political life of the country. Centuries of neglect began to be gradually replaced bya cautious hardling of them by the Hindus, only to be incorporated marginalised Hindus. 
The Muslims started emphasising the independent identity of dalits out of the fear that the Hindus will emerge numerically stronger by assimilating them. Thus, the Muslims took the bold step of suggesting that dalits should not be enrolled as Hindus. That was when Dr. Ambedkar suggested alternative terms like 'Protestrant Hindus" or "non-conformist Hindus'. Through his Dalit uplift programmes in the 1930s, Gandhi tried to consolidate the Hindu society on the basis of chaturvarna systems, and the dalits were the losers. 
When the Christian missionaries realised that the incorporation of dalits into the Hindu fold was the strongest obstacle to spread the Christian faith, they adopted a new policy to change their way of life by establishing schools and colleges and by introducing social reform among the dalits. The dalits  saw the contrast between caste Hindus and the missionaries. lt is not the dalits who opted for a religion of compassion and concern. The whole debate on conversion has given the impression that the dalits and the tribals are incapable of choice and they can be lured because they are Poor.
Rejoinders 
Whv do they visit temples then? 
Y.Chinna Rao has advanced specious arguments. Prior to the advent of lslam in lndia, Hinduism was able to absorb all other cultures and faiths. Even the Dravidian Shiva came to occupy a prominent position in the Hindu pantheon. Rao did not explain how the enslaved Dalits and tribals managed to stay out of the Hindu fold with their kuldevatas. Also, if Aryans had subjugated the 'aboriginal' Dalits and tribals, as avened by Rao, and assigned to low tasks then who were the shudras and what role were they performing as the lowest caste? Obviously, those unfortunate sections identified bythe writer as Dalits (and not tribals as well) doing the dirty jobs were given the name of Shudras, the lowest component of Hindu caste system. ln time, the Shudras became 'untouchable". The writer says Dalits and tribals are not Hindus because they are denied entry into ternples and not allowed to read religious texts. lf Dalits and tribals are not Hindus, why do they seek entry into Hindu temples and wish to read Hindu scriptures? 
S.C.Sharma, Delhi. 
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HINDU IS A WIDER TERM
 The write up has exposed a critically inadequate appreciation of the word Hindu. The word lndia itself ist he Greek derivative of the term Hindu (Which in turn is the ancient Persian derivative of the term Sindhu) and refers not to any theology but to the populace of the land of the river Indus. If we are called Hindustan it is not on the basis of any religion but nationality. Because Hindus unlike Christians and Muslims do not brand anyone as pagan, heathen, kafir or infidel it is not necessary that all Hindus including tribals and dalits should follow a uniform system. To Hindus, religion is not a discipline imposed by a stern unseen God but a natural efflorescence of the truth within manifesting in manifold ways. lt is the negation of experience to state that Christianity or lslam unlike Hinduism is egalitarian. Were not they civilised Christians who instituted Afro- American slave trade axis or practised till a decade ago Apartheid in South Africa or precipitated the two World Wars? lf lslam is egalitarian then why are there violent intra-religious feuds in Pakistan? Again, why are dalits even on becoming Christian asking for a dalit status? 
Priyadarsi Dutta,
Delhi.
[Those who believe in Vedas, Shastras, Purana, Ramayana or Mahabharata are called Hindus –Editor] 

Please also see

Casteism in Sikhs
http://www.punjabmonitor.com/2013/12/casteism-in-sikhs.html
Continue Reading | comments

PUNJABI SUBA OR SAGA OF NEHRU'S MEANNESS

Thursday, 14 November 2013

PUNJABI SUBA OR SAGA OF NEHRU'S MEANNESS

British India was organised into 13 provinces and 564 odd princely
states. The Congress was highly opposed to this set up and passed resolutions on more than one occasion that when it gets freedom, India will administer through provinces carved out on the basis of language. After dawn of independence it forgot all such promises and started reorganisation only after some precious blood was shed in South India and elsewhere. The Sikhs had to peacefully struggle for 20 long years to get a province carved out on the basis ol language.
On the bank of Ravi at Lahore on Jan. 26, 1929 the Congress passed a landmark resolution;
*The Congress assures the Sikhs ... and other minorities that no future constitution will be acceptable to the Congress that doesn't give full satisfaction to the parties concerned.
Come independence and the draft of constitution of free India  provides 'the Sikhs are Hindus'. The Sikh objection to it and other such anti-Sikh provisions remains ignored and they are told in no uncertain terms 'O.K you may not sign it but understand times have changed now.' This country is dear to us, please some one convey it to Nehru' pleaded the Sikh leaders. Maulana Azad said, 'Na bhai na, Panditji to accha khasa Hindu hai.' [No, man no, Panditji is a 'pucca' Hindu)  God knows what was there in J.L.Nehru's mind but he spared no energy to alienate a community whose sacrifices for country's freedom were more than any other nation [86% of the freedom fighters hanged were Sikhs.
Dr. Sangat Singh an ex-member of Joint Intelligence Committee, Govt of India 'who knew a lot', has written a book, 'Sikhs in History'. We edit and reproduce his chapter 'Nehru's Negativism [1950-1964] which originally runs into 38 pages. (The photos appended below have been added by the present editor and not Dr. Sangat Singh)

 Mentioning Jawahar Lal Nehru as his successor M.K Gandhi had written that "When I am gone, he will speak my language.' He carried on relentlessly Gandhi's policy of intolerance of Sikhism. Nehru in 1951 aspired to attain the position he conceived for himself in 1937, of being an arch Machiavelli or Chanakya. Nehru perfected the instruments of Brahmin-Bania raj, and also laid the foundation of ' institutionalized corruption.
In Punjab, he took advantage of growing Hindu-Sikh communal schism to marshal Punjabi-renegade Hindus, a minority, behind him. He made no efforts to discipline errant Congressite Arya Samajists propagating for disowning of their mother tongue Punjabi by their co-religionists in the 1951 census in Punjab and Pepsu.
ln the words of C.Raiagopalachari, [Nehru! introduced 'license and permit raj. 'He said he was more interested in development. Secondly, he said that the money had remained within India'. -Verily, Nehru laid the..foundation of a modern but obsolescent and corrupt India.
So far as the Sikhs are concerned, Nehru's attitude towards them could be summed up in one word, 'malicious'. It were these yearnings that later led him to promote schismatic Sant Nirankaris [and other gurudoms] to weaken Sikhism.
The Akali Dal manifesto of August 29, 1961, averred: The true test of democracy, is that the minority should feel that they are really free and equal partners in the destiny of the country; it is vital that a Punjabi-speaking province should be carved out."
The Sikh frustration was fully summed up by the Staff Correspondent the Times of India (15 August, 1951 ), when he wrote, 'Admittedly, most of the Sikhs are sore against the Congress. In Punjab in particular the so called Congressmen have been hostile to the Sikhs and to all what the Sikhs stand for....'
Master Tara Singh
Speaking on Gandhi Jayanti, October 2, 1957, Nehru dubbed Punjabi speaking state as a "Sikh state". He adduced  that conceding it would imperil the northern borders of India.
There were saner voices like those of Prof. Om Parkash Kahol who wrote on October 17, 1951. If Hinds continue their anomalous antipathy against Punjabi, they will be paving the way for the creation of a Sikh State, which they  can easily avert today.'
 Nehru's outburst at the public meeting of Patiala on January, 4, 1951. 'l will not allow India to be divided again", was expressive of typical Nehruvian malignant attitude towards the Sikhs. In Punjab, Partap Singh Kairon had the support of the Congress legislative party. But since a Sikh whatever denomination was not yet acceptable to Punjabi-renegade Hindus, at Nehru's intervention Bhim Sen Sachar instead was inducted as Chief Minister.
In Pepsu, United Front under the leadership of Gian Singh Rarewala - of Shiromani Akali Dal was in majority but instead  Col. Raghbir Singh of minority Congress was inducted as Chief Minister. That only indicated that right from the inception of the electoral process,  Congress with its ill-gotten, inflated, strength at the Centre, was not willing to respect the people's will.
Partap Singh Kairon
Col. Raghbir Singh was defeated on the very first day of the meeting of the Assembly and had to resign" Gian Singh Rarewala was sworn in as Chief Minister of United Front government on April 20, 1951. He had the distinction of heading the first non-Congress government formed in an Indian state.
The Central Government started day to day interference in the daily administration of Pepsu. For instance the United Front Ministry was prevented from inducting a Harijan member as Minister.
The first steps towards formation of linguistic provinces was taken on December 19, 1952, when Nehru agreed to the formation of Andhra Province, following three days of rioting after Potti Sriramulu's death by fasting on this issue. Though Nehru had agreed to the formation of Andhra in 1949, it required Sriramulu's blood to force his hands.
Master Tara Singh was arrested in Amritsar on February 24, 1953, by Punjab  Government for violating prohibitory orders; Master's arrest was in 'sharp contrast to Congress party's resolution of January last on detention of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in Pakistan. The Akalis in protest called for Satyagraha against interference in religious affairs.
Masters arrest was only a diversionary move. The real objective was removal of the non-Congress government in Pepsu. The Assembly was dissolved and state placed under presidents rule on March 5.
The Akalis looked at these provisions as a blot on the federal structure. These helped turn the Central Government no less tyrannical than the imperial Government under the British or the  Mughals. Mr.Rao was sent as an administrator. Elections to the new house were not held for almost a year, till Nehru was able to subvert the alignment of certain elements in the United Front and win them over.
Undivided Punjab before partition of 1947


Gian Singh Rarewala
Gian Singh Rarewala
 Once the Government of India s operations in Pepsu were over, government  promptly agreed to withdraw cases against Master Tara Singh and he was released on March 14.
Meanwhile on December 13, 1953, Nehru went to the historic shrine of Fatehgarh Sahib: marking the site of martyrdom of two younger sons of Guru Gobind Singh, betrayed to the Mughals by his ancestor, Gangu Brahmin. The congregation in unison raised slogans in favour of Punjabi Suba, and refused to listen to Nehru who blamed Gian Singh Rarewala for organising the people's resentment. He also blamed Master for not intervening to restore calm. Chastened, Nehru left without making any speech.
The demands of Punjabi speaking state, Himachal and Greater Delhi or Haryana or Jat Heartland were complementary in character.
Nehru, Rarewala & others
The demand for Maha Punjab or Greater Punjab by merger of Punjab, Pepsu and Himachal with or without parts of U.P., emanated from a desire to save Jalandhar Division 'urban Hindus from unenviable position in which they found themselves. They described Punjabi speaking state as he one designed to make the Sikhs "he real power in the state', as if that was a crime.
This was quite reflected in Nehru's choice of personnel for the States Reorganisation Commission set up on December 29, 1953, as we shall see later. Nehru while briefing the members of the SRC had decried the demand for Punjabi speaking state interalia as a demand for 'Sikh State' wherein the Sikhs would be in majority.
The report of the Commission on Punjabi speaking state was malefic and a forgone conclusion.
Bhim Sen Sachar
Early in 1955, election to the SGPC were fought on the issue of Punjabi speaking state, The Congress organised Khalsa Dal to fight the Gurdwara elections. It set up candidates on 132 seats. The Khalsa Dal lost all but 3 seats. The Akalis won all 112 seats they contested,
Sachar now sought to involve Master after centuries of slavery, was quite discernible from the quantum of sacrilege against Sikhism. Throwing  of cigarettes boxes in sacred tanks, tearing of Gurbani Gutkas and discarding the leaves in Bazars, shearing of Keshas of sleeping Sikhs, and desecration of Sikh places of worship that Cropped up as a result of the agitation.
Baldev Singh
The Sikhs sponsored a complete hartal on August 22, 1957 . Master was still willing to accept Regional Formula if it was implemented. That was obvious at the first Punjabi Suba Conference held in Amritsar on October 12, 1958, under the auspices of Sant Fateh Singh, Vice President of the Akali Dal. Kairon, at the instance of the Central Government  signaled Giani Kartar Singh to initiate steps to oust Master from Presidentship of the SGPC. He did this in the annual elections on November 16, 1958, by 77 to 74 votes.
Bhim Sen Sachar
Master regarded the whole going on as an infringement of Congress "Akali accord on government's non-interference in the Gurdwara affairs. He met Nehru on January 2, 1959, to ask for arbitration on the issue. Akali Dal also decided to revive its political activity. Master decided to lead a silent procession in Delhi on March 15, 1959. The Punjab government arrested him a day earlier. It also cancelled the special train and permits for buses hired to transport the Akalis from Punjab to Delhi for the silent procession. Several arrests were made at Ludhiana and other places. This uncalled for action whipped up much enthusiasm in taking out the mammoth silent procession from Parade Ground, Delhi at 11 a.m. to Gurdwara Rakab Ganj at 5 p.m. by the people estimated at 50,000 to 300,000. Master was released on March 21, 1959, and thereafter he got Nehru's letter rejecting the arbitration asked for.
Jathedar Rachhpal Singh of
Delhi. Govt's known puppet


Master threatened to go on fast from April 16, 1959. That made Nehru to invite him to tea on April 11 , 1959. The talks resulted in Nehru Master Pad. Nehru agreed ln principle to government's non-interference in the Gurdwara affairs.
Master then the next step on May 7, 1959, when he announced to fight the forthcoming elections to the SGPC in January, 1960, over the issue of Punjabi Suba. The Congressite Sikhs earnestly took up the challenge. Kairon sponsored a Sadh Sangat Board to fight the Gurdwara elections. Giani Kartar Singh even resigned his Ministership on October 24, 1959, to devote full time to Gurdwara elections.
The decision to bifurcate the composite state of Bombay into two states of Maharashtra and Gujarat on December 23, 1959, had an electronic effect on the Sikhs as now Punjab was the only bilingual state left.
Giani Kartar Singh
In the Gurdwara elections in January 1960, the Akalis swept the polls securing 136 seats with 4 going to the Sadh Sangat Board [of Congress]. The Communist sponsored Desh Bhagat Board which had played a retrogressive role was wiped out. In March, Akali Dal called upon all those who had joined the Congress in on after 1956 at its direction, to resign from the Congress and ib Committee. Only five Akali MLAs out of 24, and none from the three MPs, came out of the Congress.
Master moved in, measured paces to force the issue. To begin with, he called a Punjabi Suba conventim at Amritsar on May 22, 1960. The next step was taking out of a peaceful procession at Delhi on June 12. Master planned to start a march on May 29 from Amritsar to marshal support on the way.
 These Akali moves came timely for Kairon, then passing through a difficult phase. He had been charged by senior members of he Congress Assembly Party, of dictatorial attitude and of charges of corruption, nepotism and favouritism. The judgment of the Punjab High Court in Kamal  murder case in which strictures were passed against Kairon and his cohorts for concocting the case was glaring.
Partap Singh Kairon
Kairon seized the opportJnity, by arresting Master along with 200 Akali leaders and workers on May 24 all over Punjab. Police let loose a reign of tenor, with false cases being concocted against Akali sympathisers. Thus, Kairon was able to force Akalis to launch an agitation, second time in six years, when from May 30, a jatha of 11 Akalis each would move to Delhi and offer arrests.
Kairon's sealing of the offices and press of pro-Akali dailies, Parbhat (Urdu) and Akali (Punjabi) and arresting their staff members evoked strong protest from AII India Journalists Association as an attack on freedom of the press.
Sardar Patel: India's first home minister
The procession at Delhi was banned and its borders sealed to prevent ingress of the Sikhs. The congregation held at Gandhi. Grounds near Gurdwara 'Sis Ganj by the Sikhs of Delhi was disrupted by the police on June 12, 1960. Thousands of Sikhs, collected in front of the Gurdwara, were subjected to lathi charge and tear gas shells. These resulted, according to some sources, in seven deaths and a thousand injured. Then, there was a list of 258 persons found ' missing. Police was believed to have secretly burnt truckload of bodies of those dead and not yet dead. The question of police atrocities came up before Indian Jurists, and had its echo in the U.N. General Assembly with Foreign Minister of South Africa articulating the inhuman excesses. About two thousand Akalis were arrested. The Sikhs were€ hounded everywhere in cafes, restaurants, and shops. Even passers by were not spared so much so that Congressmen like Giani Kartar Singh who had just bitterly fought Master in the gurdwara elections, condemned the police excesses.
Delhi opened second front of the morcha for Punjabi Suba with Rachhpal Singh, President of Akali Dal, as dictator [presently turned a stooge of the Govt: a mercenary], and offered 11 arrests dailly.
Sant Fateh Singh took over as dictator of the morcha, agitation, at Amritsar after Master's arrest, he competently organised the agitation and by July 25, 1960, as many as 17,821 Akalis had been arrested in Amritsar alone.
The Hindu communalists of various hues –Congressite-Arya Samajists, office holders of Sanatan Dharam Pratinidhi Sabha and a host of others including Jagat Narain termed the demand for Punjabi Suba as a step towards independent Sikh state and offered their support to the Govt. So also was the case with Sikh leaders who sought to curry  facour with the government.
Nehru's 1960 Independence Day broadcast terming the agitation as a stage tamasha, only reflected his closed mind.
M.S.Golwalkar of RSS
The Punjab Governor's ordinance on October 2, declaring Punjabi as the official language at district level on the basis cf Regional Formula was belated recognition of dawn of wisdom in the government. Ranbir of Urdu daily Milap on August 21, 1960, exhorted Punjabi-renegade Hindus to own up their mother tongue and not be 'a traitor' to their mother. RSS leader, M.S. Golwalkar in November, 1960, when on a visit to the Punjab, urged Punjabi Hindus to "accept Punjabi as their mother tongue" with all its consequences.   
Nehru failed to rise to the occasion. Rather on November 17, 1960  at the Agricultural University at Rudrapur [UPJ, when some Sikhs interrupted his speech shouting Punjabi Suba Zindabad, Nehru burst forth "You fools, your Punjabi Suba has been left in Pakistan. Go to your Suba. Why are you here ?".
Sant Fateh Singh on October 29, wrote to Nehru, 'Your statement has brought the things to a level that I am left with no alternative but to resort to fast unto death to prick your conscience.' [And  fixed  December 18, 1 960, as the beginning of his fast].
Two days later, Nehru repeated his December 1959 statement that "Punjabi is the main language of Punjab" and Fateh Singh gave indication of grasping Nehru's conciliatory hand. But there was guile in Nehru's talk to declare entire Punjab a unilingual state with Punjabi as state language. Kairon's followers, a battery of Sikh MLAs, lined up to condemn the fast as anti-democratic and against the tenets of the Sikh faith. Kairon released Master on January 4, 1961. Already under his instructions, Superintendent of Dharamsala Jail had worked upon Master's gullibility that Sant Fateh Singh had stolen a march over him in popular estimation and threatened his leadership.
Sant Fateh Singh refused to accept Nehru's telegram from Bhavnagar offering negotiations on unilingual Punjabi speaking state. Fateh Singh's statement made Master to fly to Bhavnagar for personal talks with Nehru on January 7, 1901. Nehru and Master had sharp exchanges. Nehru ridiculed the overall Sikh percentage in India, and said imperiously he had had enough of them. And, if they persist, he would teach them a lesson that they would remember for generations.
Master said if it came to that, the Sikhs would know how to defend themselves. The responsibility for disintegration of India would be that of Nehru, and history won't forgive him. He left disappointed.
Nehru decided to reiterate the following day that, "lt is not out of any discrimination of Punjab or distrust of Sikhs that this  process of forming a linguistic state was not possible after applying it elsewhere."
There was nothing new in Nehru's empty statement but Master then in Delhi sent a telegram to Fateh Singh to break his fast as, "lt fulfils requirements of vow. Fateh Singh's breaking his fast on January 9, 1961, came as an anti-climax. Sikhs then suspected the bonafides of Master. Some felt he did it because he was stung by the jealousy of Sant.
THE PUNJABI SUBA

To the Sikh masses, it indicated that the struggle for Punjabi Suba was lost. Master was hooted at Manji Sahib on January 11, and again the following day. The Sikh gathering at Mukatsar for Maghi Mela refused to listen to him. His influence was on the wane.
[Later] Nehru held three rounds of talks with Fateh Singh on February 8, March 1, and May 8, 1961 , when he advanced specious arguments for nm-formation of Rrnjabi Suba. He, interalia, argued.
lst meeting, February 8:
[Nehru's objections] 1. There would be "a large section of Hindus as a religious minority in the Punjabi speaking state who would not be willing to co-operate; what safeguards would be given to that minority?"
2. In case of formation of Punjabi Suba there would be psychological and sentimental barriers against the Sikhs in other parts of India. (Fateh Singh frankly told Nehru that it was unbecoming of him to talk in religious and communal terms.)
Nehru sowed the seed of pseudo-Gurudoms or Deras in Sikhs.
Here he is .seen with Kukas or Namdhari Guru.

3. Different countries were coming together towards World State idea, and Punjabi Suba was incompatible with that. (Fateh Singh said that when the idea took a practical shape, they would not be lagging behind.)
2nd meeting, March 1:
4. Again, Hindus in Punjabi Suba would become a minority, thereby aggravating minority problem. (Fateh Singh told him that they should not talk in terms of communal minorities, but linguistic minorities. And then Hindus would be almost equal in Punjabi Suba)
S. The government was under heavy burden - border dispute with China, threat from Pakistan, mob violence in Karachi, communal riots in Jabalpur and Sagar in Madhya Pradesh. Therefore, Punjabi Suba can not be formed.
6. He could not hand over, power to an irresponsible persons such as Master. How could he hand over power to enemies (Nehru actually regarded all the Sikhs enemies except those serving him who in his views were mercenaries-Sangat Singh)
3rd meeting, May 12
7. When people were going to the moon, why should hardworking people of Punjab ask for Punjabi Suba ?
8. By conceding Punjabi Suba, Five year would stand obstructed.
9. Pakistan and China had encroacfred on our land, therefore no Punjabi Suba.
10. Urban Hindus in Punjab were annoyed because more and more people from rural areas were coming forward and participating in public life causing annoyance to Hindus.
Sant Fateh Singh said, "Panditji you are considering as if some Sikh state was being carved out. I may make it clear that Punjabi- speaking state would be like other states of Bharat. " Nehru said that it was his final opinion that there would be no Punjabi Suba during his life time.
Shortly after wards Nehru recorded a note "For Eyes Only" For his successors that in future no concession whatsoever should be made to the Sikhs.
Going through the brochure of these talks some one aptly summed up his attitude towards Nehru in a monosyllable in Punjabi, 'kameena' mean in English language does not adequately convey the Punjabi nuances of the word. Nehru, in short from these talks comes out a rabid communalist pucca Hindu, rabidly anti-Sikh.
Jagat Narain: This man is known for creating
cleavage among Punjabis
Meanwhile, a section of Punjabi Hindus, because of tense atmosphere, disowned Punjabi in the 1961 Census.
Sant Fateh Singh indeed was a disappointed man. He again talked of the need for a supreme sacrifice to achieve the objective.
The General Body of the Akali Dal on May 28, 1961 authorised Master to go on fast unto death. Master fixed August 15, for its commencement. The resolution adopted, interalia, stated.
The statement of Harcharan Singh Hudiara that after Master and Fateh Singh "the new Akali leaders might give a call for an independent Punjabi state instead of Punjabi Suba" was significant.
Maharaja Yadvindera Singh of Patiala
Master's offer to accept a plebiscite on the issue in the Punjabi region, which he said would be discriminatory against the Sikhs, evoked no response. Master as such began his fast on August 'l 5, 1961.
Fateh Singh drew blank in his talks with Nehru on August 24-25. In Parliament on August 28, 1961 , he made an offer to go in for a high level enquiry into charges of discrimination against the Sikhs.
ln a special debate on Argust 30, in Rajya' Sabha he was forthright that conceding Punjabi Suba would effect the whole future of the Punjab and India. This stunned the Sikhs. The Akali Dal deplored Nehru,s "positive incitement against this small minority.'   
Nehru was willing to face civil war, and exterminate the Sikhs a la Shankractrarya,s extermination of Buddhists. The Akalis had the option to go ahead for Punjabi Suba with the Sikh community annihilated.
Hardit Singh Mallik
On September 29, he appealed to Master to give up the fast. The following day. Hardit Singh Malik accompanied by Maharaja Patiala met Nehru. There was talk of a compromise around the proposed High Power Commission. Master was assured of favourable terms of reference and of personnel of he High Powered  Commission. He broke his fast on October 1, 1961. The Akali Dal Working Committee approved of the compromise. By that time 57129 Akali workers had courted arrest. [Earlier the roles of Malik and Maharaja during parleys with Jinnah were also dubious which prevented Sikhs from any negotiated settlement-Editor]
Punjabi renegade Hindus now activated themselves to sabotage the settlement.
Justice SR Das and his wife with Japanese Chief Justice
Master accompanied by Malik saw Nehru on. October 30, The government issued notification the following day constituting the High Powered Commission consisting of S.R.Das, as Chairman, and C.P. Ramaswami Ayar and M.C. Chagla as members, to go into the charges of discrimination against the Sikhs.
 It immediately invited Akali protest Master asserted that mediators had informed him that Commission would consist of Patanjali Shastri, Ramaswami Mudaliar and another nominee of the government. Malik later asserted that Nehru had actually backed ant of his words.
The Akalis legitimately doubted the integrity of the Commission and decided to boycott it.
Kartar Singh Chawla, an Advocate appeared in his personal capacity and wanted to be granted amnesty for referring to some 'secret circular' and other government documents' to establish discrimination. Since the Commission was not interested in this line of enquiry it declined.
Dr. Gopal Singh : He sold the Sikh interests for a song
Pratap Singh Kairon brought in Dr. Gopal Singh Dardi, who appeared before the Commission on behalf of Nationalist Sikhs, a nebulous [vague] entity. He contented that there was no discrimination but rather the, Sikhs were accorded preferential treatment. The Commission was a big Tamasha and its report a foregone conclusion. The only beneficiary was Dr.Gopal Singh who was rewarded with nomination to Rajya Sabha, later he got two Ambaisadorial appointments, was a Member of the Minority Commission, Lt. Governor and then Governor. [in fact Gopal had rendered similar services during Partition process as well] In between when he was out of job, he would start fulminating till his mouth was shut again.
Master's breaking the fast without achieving any thing created turmoil in the rank and file. It helped to initiate the process of disintegration of the Akali Dal. Lachhman Singh Gill, an ambitious but unscrupulous government  contractor, and Jiwan Singh Umananargal on Nwember 15, 1961, asked Master to resign from Presidentship of Akali Dal. Fateh Singh sided with Gill and others in the ensuing confrontation. Eventually the case whether Master and Fateh Singh had broken the vow went to Panj Piaras (fiva beloved ones) -of Akal Takhat Golden Temple to adjudicate. Their verdict on November 29, 1961, held both of them guilty of breaking the vow  with Fateh Singh being treated leniently. This contributed to the parting of the ways between Master and Fateh Singh.
Justice MC Chagla
Sant Fateh Singh  the rising star in the Sikh politics, personally concentrated on defeating Kairon. Tur won the seat, but the polling officer declared Kairon elected by 34 votes. The Chief Election Commissioner, Sundram, after an on-the-spot study reportedly told Nehru of the grave abuse of electoral processes. Nehru, however, justified them saying "l want Pratap Singh Kairon to be the Chief Minister of the Punjab."
Kairon's position was now weakened, but that all the more made him obdurate. Firstly, he began talking through his turban, of Punjab's merger not only with Himachal Pradesh, but also Rajasthan, part or whole of Jammu and Kashmir to make for a strong border state. Secondly, he started harping on Jat culture and character in the process seeking to encourage revolt in Akali Dal against leadership of Master, a Khatri. Kairon now adopted a patronising attitude towards Sant Fateh Singh, especially the Akali dissidents who were Jatts.
Sant Fateh Singh who emerged as leader of the breakaway faction reiterated the demand for Punjabi Suba on a purely linguistic basis. The Hindu press, in glee at the division in Akali ranks, started building up Sant Fateh Singh.
Sishila Nayyar
The Chinese struck in a major way scattering the Indian forces. The Sikh soldiers who fought the Chinese valiantly were special target of Chinese atrocities. But these had no impact on Punjabi renegade Hindus and their helmsman Nehru, who even in his wretched state continued to regard the Sikhs only as mercenaries. For instance, Dr: Sushila Nayar, Health Minister who had once put her fingers on the pulse of M.K. Gandhi, November 11 , 1963, ridiculed the Sikhs and their Gurus by calling them 'Just unshaven Hindus distinguished by their unshingled, unshorn appearance, blindly imitating their ancestors who lacked the leisure and facilities for proper shave". On June 25, 1963, Acharya Mnobha Bhave, had ridiculed the practice of present day Sikhs wearing the Kirpan (sword) which like Gandhi earlier he called as an outmoded weapon. In early 1964, Bihar government  officials shaved off the moustache and the beard of a Sikh driver who, did not let them take over his vehicle. After a judicial enquiry was instituted, senior officials of the Bihar Government  went to Patna Sahib Gurdwara and publicly apologised. Finally, five days before Nehru's death, May 22, 1964, Himachal police 'fired at the Sikh historical shrine of Paonta Sahib, killing many Nihang Sikhs. The police desecrated the historic shrine.
The irrepressible Dr.Ram Manohar Lohia in a telling statement in Parliament stated,:
"Are you looking for a traitor?" Pointing to Nehru, he continued, "Here is he. His name is Jawaharlal Nehru." Nehru could not strike back in self defence. The same evening he had a paralytic stroke which crippled his body; he had already been out of his mind since 1959. But he did not follow the democratic traditions and resign.
Meanwhile. the Working 'Committee of Sant Akali Dal in December 1962 had decided not to press the demand for Punjabi Suba because of the national emergency.
Kairon's raising of auxiliary force namely Home Guards and going in for an air rifle factory with American collaboration caused doubts in members of Congress High Command about his intentions in post-Nehru era. A group of Congressmen submitted memorandum about his malfeasance and that of his family members. A deputation of joint opposition leaders led by Master and including, Jagat Narain and others, submitted a memorandum to President Radhakishnan, enlisting 32 charges of corruption, nepotism and favoritism against Kairon. Nehru was forced to institute a one-man enquiry commission, consisting of S.R. Das, though he publicly justified the need for continuation of Kairon – 'a slave overseer... more heartless than any alien beast." The dissident Congress members of Legislative Assembly protested to Nehru for acquitting Kairon beforehand
Dispirited, Nehru passed melancholy days till he passed into history on May 27, 1964. It was whispered in a hush hush manner in the corridors of South Block that he had died of syphilis. With Nehru's death, Kairon's exit was only a matter of time. An era passed away in the history of Punjab and of the Sikhs. Nehru era was marked by a rapacious policy of negativism towards the Sikhs. Significantly, Sardar Patel in one of his observations had regarded Nehru's attitude towards Kashmir and towards the Sikhs as that of "emotional insanity" .
We quote two Sikh assessments one in  1952 and the other as homage on his death.
"Pandit Nehru is, the spear head of militant Hindu chauvinism who glibly talks about nationalism, a tyrant who eulogises democracy and a Goebblian liar-in a short, a political cheat, deceiver and double dealer in the service of Indian reaction."
"When an issue inviting the Sikh right's, even on the basis of justice and equity came up, Nehru lost his cool and emitted uncontrolled, instinctive, and emotional outburst fuelled by wild passions. He played ' the Hindu communal card repeatedly."
 His Gangu Brahmin heritage weighed too much upon him, When he spoke of national integration, in Punjab he always meant the integration of Sikhism within Hinduism. He patronised the schismatic Sikh sects to weaken the main body of the Khalsa. He left behind a deep legacy of anti-Sikhism, and a blueprint for their annihilation. Later, these came quite handy to his daughter Indira.
 
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AT NANAKSAR -THEY WORSHIP BUT DON’T OBEY GURU

Wednesday, 28 August 2013

AT NANAKSAR -THEY WORSHIP BUT DON’T OBEY GURU

(Writing on Jantri the Sikh calendar we tried to understand the deras who were opposed to it)
Nanaksar was founded by an ascetic Baba Nand Singh ji [died-1943]. The sect doesn't subscribe to natural path sahij marg of Guru Nanak where ritualism and penance is prohibited. They worship Guru Granth sahib like an idol and their other religious activities are more like Hindus. Their total commitment to Gurbani is however laudable.
At one time the Government was promoting this sect. We are surprised to note in past the Govt. at Delhi had allowed them to build a Gurdwara at a prime land in a park, green belt at Shankar Road, near Rajinder Nagar, while at the same time  it had simultaneously demolished some structures at Majnu ka Tilla Delhi a historic site on the banks of river Yamuna.
We have recently visited Nanaksar (near Jagraon Ludhiana) to know more about them.
•    Guru Granth is installed like an idol and access to an ordinary devotee is denied to it.
•    . The Sikh flag nishan sahib is not hoisted on the building.
•    A, separate term is assigned to the Gurdwara i.e Thath or the abode of enjoyment..
•    . Sikhism condemns renunciation of family life, they have founded a group called Behangams the ascetics who are to remain unmarried throughout their lives.
•    . They specifically prohibit meat eating.
•    . They don't read Raj karega Khalsa couplet ordered by the Tenth Guru.
•    . They do  wear five Ks of the Sikhs, with a small sword of merely of an inch or two like a janeo of the Hindus.
•    They don't believe in the free kitchen langar concept of Guru Nanak.
•     They undertake penance
•    . They don't subscribe to the concept of Sangat and instead give importance to individual saints.
•    . They have firm belief in pap-pun
•    They do not subscribe to the Gurdwara practices of til-phul i.e humble offering according to ones means instead they separately or say secretly accept money.
•    They don't subscribe to the traditional Prasad system of the Gurdwara and rather they accept sugar cubes from devotees which are clandestinely sold back to . the shops nearby.
•    . They observe auspicious/inauspicious days and dates.
•     Since the Thaths are headed by so called saints there are often disputes as to possession of the Thaths and succession on the death of a saint.'
At present there are two groups controlling the Thath here at Jagraon- one lead by Baba Kundan Singh and the other by Baba Sadhu Singh. We have found the group of Baba Kundan Singh more ritualistic than the other.
At the time of our visit Baba Kundan Singh was not available, we talked to Baba Sadhu Singh.
We follow the Hazur sahib maryada-Baba Sadhu Singh
Q- Why you are opposing-Nanakshahi Jantri?
BSS- Sikhs are celebrating festivels relating to Gurus for 500 years . How can we change the days now.
Q- But the Bikrami calendar doesnot confirm to seasons.?
BBS – Our Baba (Nand Singh ji) advised us to meditate on Katik Pooranmashi so that we are liberated from the cycle of births and deaths. Meditation of this single night is equal to one full year because on this day God himself comes on earth.(Gurbani believes that God almighty is omnipresent and no particular day is auspicious or inauspicious.)
Q- Who are these ascetic boys Guru Nanak condemns renunciation.
BSS- Were panj pyaras the five beloved married?
Q- Why don't you hoist Nishan sahib the flag at Nanaksar?-
BSS- Because we don't have langar the free kitchen here, what ever God sends we just accept it.
Q- We have learnt that you don't recite dohra
‘Agya bhai akal ki...... Raj karega khalsa'
BSS- People merely read we believe in it. [They recite a part of ' dohra and omit 'Raj karega Khalsa part)
Q- We have seen some booklets [Gutkas] published by Nanaksar wherein changes have been made in Gurbani. Sikhs apprehend that it a beginning to make attempt to alter Gurbani. Also in these Gutkas a long commentary is published in the beginning of some Sukhmani gutkas wherein impression is being given that Guru sahiban were sick and suffered from leprosy which is historically incorrect?
BSS- Ask from those who are doing it. (Babaji hints at the other group namely the followers of Baba Kundan Singh) .
Q- The  code of conduct [Rehatmaryada] you observe is not essentially the Sikh one?
BSS- We follow Hazur sahib Marvada.
Q- But at Hazur sahib they serve even meat in langar which you prohibit?
BSS- They may do any thing. We are not to stay there.
Q- When a Sikh goes before his Guru he makes humble offerings (till-phull) there. You 'have stopped this practice and on the contrary accept money separately and rather secretly.
BSS- Are we to get our sons and daughters married with the money. [They selectively accept offerings from devotees)

Q- Guru Nanak condemned ritualism especially show through dress i.e bhekh?
BSS- Guru had founded the nirmal panth. lf some one wears white or red how does it bother you?
Q- So politics should be separated from religion?
BSS- Get out from here. Go.

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NANAKSHAHI CALENDER

Monday, 15 July 2013

HOW WAS THE
JANTRI JEOPARDISED
+++++++
We published a special issue of Nanakshahi Calender then called Jantri in April 2000 giving pro and con views of
1.Editorial
2.Why Nanakshahi by Kharag Singh
3. by Pal Singh Purewal
4. Balwant Singh Kothaguru
5. Dr. Gurbachan Singh Bachan, secretary SGPC
6. Baba Kashmira Singh
Later after some years the Nanakshahi Calendar was implemented by SGPC in Jan. 2003. The calendar worked well but the RSS was annoyed with it because it smelt independent entity of Sikhism. It used various methods to seek rejection of calendar and finally succeeded through Baba Harnam Singh Dhumma.
Here we are presenting the special issue of April 2000. It is still relevant as it defines the Nanakshahi: its merits and demerits.
We are sorry only one page could be converted to text rest are being presented in image form.

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HA HA!!! TODAY THE DATE IS 32 HARH..ਵਾਹ ਜੀ ਵਾਹ! ਕੀ ਮਹੀਨਾ ਕਦੀ 32 ਦਿਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਵੀ ਸੁਣਿਐ? ਅੱਜ ਹਾੜ ਦੀ 32 ਤਾਰੀਕ ਬਿਕ੍ਰਮੀ ਕਲੈਂਡਰ ਅਜਿਹੀਆਂ ਹੀ ਖਾਮੀਆਂ ਸਨ ਜਿਸ ਕਰਕੇ ਨਾਨਕਸ਼ਾਹੀ ਕੈਲੰਡਰ ਬਣਾਇਆ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ ਸ਼ਰੋਮਣੀ ਕਮੇਟੀ ਨੇ ਲਾਗੂ ਵੀ ਕਰ ਦਿਤਾ ਸੀ ਪਰ ਆਰ ਐਸ ਐਸ ਤੜਫ ਉਠੀ ਸੀ, ਅਖੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਆਪਣਾ ਵੱਖਰਾ ਕੈਲੰਡਰ ਕਿਉ ਰੱਖਣ ਫਿਰ RSS ਨੇ ਦਮਦਮੀ ਟਕਸਾਲ ਦੇ ਹਰਨਾਮ ਸਿੰਘ ਧੁੰਮਾ ਨੂੰ ਮੋਹਰਾ ਬਣਾ ਕੇ ਅੱਗੇ ਲਾਇਆ ਤੇ ਮੰਗ ਕਰਵਾਈ ਕਿ ਨਾਨਕਸ਼ਾਹੀ ਕੈਲੰਡਰ ਬੰਦ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਵੇਬਿਕ੍ਰਮੀ ਕੈਲੰਡਰ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਲਾਗੂ ਕਰ ਦਿਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਤੇ ਸਾਜਿਸ਼ ਤਹਿਤ ਨਾਂ ਰੱਖ ਦਿਤਾ ਨਾਨਕਸ਼ਾਹੀ ਨਾਨਕਸ਼ਾਹੀ ਕੈਲੰਡਰ ਦਾ ਮਖੌਲ ਉਡਾ ਦਿਤਾWow!! Have ever heard of month of 32 days? Today the date is Harh 32. There r grave defects in Bikrami Calender. Accordingly a solar calender Nanakshahi was devised.  The Sikh apex body SGPC  in 2003 duly implemented the Nanakshahi. But RSS was infuriated, “How could the Sikhs have their separate calender?” Harnam Singh Dhuma head of Damdami Taksal was then used as a tool to oppose the Nanakshahi. Obviously SGPC under the control of Govt agreed in 2009 and Nanakshahi was rejected and Bikrami calender was enforced. Not only this, now they gave Bikrami the new name Nanakshahi. Naturally imitation things create such jokes.


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Bikrami, a sidereal [based on a group of stars] calendar is the traditional Jantri of Punjabis and has some serious defects. Compared to Solar year, it is slower by 20 x 60 = 1200 seconds. As a result of which it becomes out of tune with seasons. For example in 532 AD Lohri was in December and nowadays it falls in January. The famous Vaisakhi of 1699 fell on March 29 and now a days on April  14. After some thousand years Vaisakhi will slip to winter. Any classical literature including Gurbani obviously refers to seasons. Thus, if the Jantri is not corrected, a day will come when the whole Punjabi literature will become irrelevant Common Era calendar had to so similar defects and was therefore corrected twice; in 46 and 1582 AD. Pal Singh Purewal developed a fool proof solar calendar and named it Nanakshahi Jantri. When the Sikh apex body SGPC intended to implement it, some mischievous organisations deployed their agents to oppose the Jantri in a very outrageous manner, the issue stands shelved, the SGPC  office now feels shy on talking on Jantri.  We present in the following pages both pro and anti Jantri views to find out that the opponents had more obstinacy than logic.
  Bikrami a sidereal calendar in vogue  in lndia is based on the nakshatras. Gregorian, Christian, or Common Era the most prevalent calendar in the world is based on Sun and most of its defects have now been removed.
However the year in CE calendar is faster by 26 seconds per year while the Bikrami calendar is faster by 20 X 60 =1 200 seconds. After every 71 years Bikrami is ahead by one day and thus loses its harmony with the solar time. Days keep on adding. For example the Vaisakhi in 1753 AD fell on April 9 and now it  comes on April 14. After 1100 years it will fall in the month of May while after 13000 years it will slip to October making Gurbani and other literature irrelevant as far as the seasons are concerned. Obviously there are several references to the seasons; like Asarh month is hot for those who are array from God.
 uilB'=r gF Eirfl ararfa sfu .. ,1'gg' aiu'rsn m] G[d ?IE| ?r rii?tf uF[ . . . tfu gH"ga fEx{"{S *s firfm, oec6'in... sgqigsorestroqitt... n'el€ HE H6r rrlu rgnfu EB urrBu . .. 
  A calendar has to be based on Sun if it is to harmonise with seasons. Guru Nanak also approves a solar calendar p*H *I ryfumrrs3i*3?Au
Calendar being defective the anniversaries or Gurpurabs dates keep shifting [For details see Dr. Kharag Singh’s  article]  often also resulting into Two festivals in a year or no festival at all. The defects were noticed as back as in 1912 AD by Karam Singh Historian and Prof. Sahib Singh 1948 AD while Randhir Singh pleaded for correction in the year 1977. 
  Name Nanakshahi is not new. The Sikh Jantri  have  been using Nanakshahi samvat lsfutrisafi,A for almmt a oentury rmw by just computhg learfrom Guru Nanak's birtr. 
  Pal Slngh Purswal a Canadhn immigant worked on this calendar to remove the defeds and the new cabndar evolved is rtan€d !*msltshdri. 
  Sallmt fEaturoe of ilanakshahl Jantrl: [a] Th first month being Chet amrding to Gubani. {bl lt b sdar calendartfus matches with the seasons. [cl lt is a v€ry simple calendar; thefirstlive months being of 31 r{avq anrl iha rcci af afi darrc whila Dharrr m  month of 28dap, in leapyear2gdayt. [d]The Gurpurab ddes have beenfxed [el The base date of the calendar is the \Aisakhiof year 1999. 
  WHO IS OPPOSED TO JANTRI? 
  Question is slmple, it is an improvernent in a calendar and why should any body oppose it? lt is interesting to ndethatuhen the opponent found no strcng objedion fiey went to the extent of eposing themselves. Their objection is why the Jantri is independent from any Hindu sptem? 
  Afier lndia was freed, the Govt. under Nehru decided to adopt a calendar. They found Bikrami unfit and thus the Govt adopted Saka catendar named after Kanishka, an ancient foreign invader to lndia. So Delhi can reject Bikramibut the Punjabiscant. 
  Those who knail Sikh hlstory and have cloeety obserued the polltics could rmgnise the real faces of those who oppos€ it. We know the Hlndus as I whole ane very tolerant and gentle people. You go to places beyond Punjab they would love to see a Sikh. Off late howeverihe media has played hwoc and the whole Sikh onrmunity stands maligned. Sikhs in foreign countries are always welcomed for being a  hardworking, straig htfomard, God fea ring & believing conmunity witr a distind irJentity. ln many international fora it has been appreciated that there is need to preserue this unique group from extinction. 
  As there are ahnrays some mischievous people in every community. The fanatics amoqg he RSS, Ar),a Samaj and others are desperate that the Sikhs be absorbed in Hinduism at the earliest. $ome castes are akeadyfast lapsing into Hinduism. [Asurvey of sylabii of Punjab schools reveals how a distorted image of Sikhism is being given to childrenl These fanatics feelthatthe Jantri is yet another assertion of separate Sikh identity. 
  ln past also whenever the Sikhs sought some reforms, antiSikh forces opposed the moves. For example the Singh Sabha mocmsnt was vehemently oppossd. lA/hen in 1920s the Sikhs unanted to free lheir shrines from the comrpt mahants they had to face the guns of 'Mahant,'supported by fanatics. Against the wishes of Sikhs ttiey inserted clauses in the lndian Constitution that the Sikhs are Hindus. Afler Partilion when Punjabiwas to be made the official language the fanatics opposed il. Punjabi Suba was qppos€d. Atthe tinre of Nirankari  Sikh collision they openly supported the Nirankaris. They opposed the Punjabi demands of Riparian Rights and territorial claims. Theirfaces got unmasked in 1984 when they supported Sikh persecution. However their Sant Bhinderanwale move boomeranged and they retaliated via Operation Blue Star. 
  \Mth theircells in the ruling par$ nowtheyare carrying out their plans more secretly through agents or mercenaries. ln the present case Punjab Min ister Balramji Das'london had only once hinted that the Jantri means assertion of Sikh identityand theiragents lost no time in training their guns. Their Sipahis the Sants opened fire on Jantri. 
  Jantri being just one, they have scuttled several such other important issues in which SGPC was not allowed free hand. For example
[a] Sikh pilgrim Jathas to Pakistlt Gurdwaras is stopped,
[b] SGPC is not being allowed to start their chanhelfor relay of Gurbani from Golden Temple when any body, street or colony can do it easily
[c] SGPC is not free to hoist the original blue or yellow coloured Sikh flag in accordance with the Sikh Code of Conduct and instead saffron colour of the Hindu is being hoisted etc.
[d] Amaritsar being the Sikh axis, attempts were made and are being made to create parallel centres. There is thus too much interference in the working of SGPC. 
  Who are their agents? 
  Succumbing to the fanatic ideology, the Congress had launched a secret programme to absorb Sikhs in the Hinduism by using
[1]some political parties and politicians and
[2]saints and mahants as their agent. Presently there are hundreds of so called saints who are preaching that the Sikhs are a sect of Hinduism. They do it by preaching and promoting ritualism. ln past they got tactical support from fanatics in Congress governments. Unfortunately successive governments including that of Janta Dal and BJP have onlyt oed the policy lay down by Nehru. 
  Presently the core group of these saints is organised under the banner of Gurbani Gurmat Sidhant Pracharak Sant Samaj. The difference in their teachings besides promotion of ritualism is that they avoid to preach Guru Nanak's concept of truthful living, submission before His will and exemplary behaviour. .They do not encourage their followers to understand Gurbani and  emphasise on its parrot like cramming a"d recitation. They encourage their own individual worship. 
  Thus bowing before the pressure of the Sarkari saints, the SGPC has consigned the Jantri to their archives  perhaps for ever. 
  tfiI0fiilatttls 
  Sikhism has a unique feature in the form of Hukamnamas: religious edicts or promulgations. After Gurus the collective body of Sikhs has been using this authority vested in it through tradition. The Hukamnama has traditionally been issued from Akal Takhat in Amritsar the axis of Sikhism in the name of Akal Takhat Jathedar the priest. Since the edict has to be the collective voice or in accordance with conscience of the nation the Jathedar of Akal Takhat is supposed to consult head priests of other Takhats before the issue of edict. 
  ln recent past who ever was in control of SGPC has been misusing the authority of Hukamnamas and perhaps Jathedar G. S. Tohra misused it to maximum extent. 
  P.S.Badal the Chief Minister was more than once the target of edicts. Badal, it is felt, disagreed with the provision of this ‘extra constitutional authority’ to Takhat since he  was targeted. 
  Secondly the Govts at Delhi have also been sore over the gazette notifications issued from the parallel capital. 
  SGPC being in the control of Badal while Badal behaving a good boy before Delhi durbar. Giani Puran Singh their buddy was the Akal Takhat priest. Thus the present position most suited the Akal Takhat' opponents. They got implementation of Jantri stayed through Giani. ln his book Bullet for Bullet by J.F.Ribeiro has already hinted that Giani was a police informer. 'Though there is no harm in that, but the Sikhs treat such persons as black sheep. Worse being Giani played in the hand of anti-Sikh forces who controlled him from Delhi. It was killing two birds with one stone. Jantri was a dangerous thing for them and had to be stopped from implementation. More important was to curb the perennial 'nuisance' of hukamnamas’. Gianiji provided a golden chance. But it was slightly ill timed. As the SGPC budget was due to be cleared before 31-3-2OOO. The drama would have otherwise continued for some months. But a sense of discontent was found in the members of SGPC which meant open rebellion against Badal in which his adversary Tohra would have gained. Wings of Giani had to be clipped and he was unceremoniously relieved. To prove that he was the most faithful man he continued to issue hukamnamas to the last hour ; nay last minute. The whole idea being that the message was to be given that hukamnamas were the most ridiculous thing. 
  The move is more devastating and dangerous than Operation Blue Star itself wherethe attack was on bricks and mortar while now the target is the concept itself. How ever there is an element of relief that all attempts to demolish Akal Takhat or Golden Takhat have ultimately been humbled and Abdalis and lndiras had to eat humble pies ultimately. 
  Successor of Giani Puran, Joginder Singh Vedanti, a simpleton and obedient Granthi has hinted at the review of the working of SGPC and the relevant laws to amend the provisions that do not suit. Only future will reveal whether this announcement was a bonafide one or there is going to be a serious attempt to demolish the yet another axis of power besides Delhi. 
(Note : We will soon type the whole article and make available on internet. In the meanwhile those readers who have fast net connection can read it as images)




 






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